THE  WORKING  MAN'S 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY, 


TOUNDKD  UPON  THB  PRIKCIPLB  OF 


IMMUTABLE  JUSTICE, 


AND 


THE  INALIENABLE  EIGHTS  OF  MAN; 


DESIGNED  FOR  THE  PROMOTION  OP 


IATIOIAL  REFOEM; 


BY  JOHN  PICKERING 


"Wfan  theVorfcirg  people  gain  their  just  rights,  to  controvert  the  doctrine  of  extor- 

.    be  deemed  illogical,  dangerous,  unscientific  and  absurd.    That  time 

jgtfsr  arrive  ;  Aid,  if  I  can-do  aught  that  will  accelerate  it,  I  shall  esteem  it  the  most 

Crappy,  honorable  and  fortunate  effort  of  my  existence." — STEPHBM  SIMPSON,  Cashier  late 

U.  S.  Bcmk,  Working  Man's  Manual,  page  41. 


CINCINNATI: 

STEREOTYPED   IN  WARREN'S  NEW    PATENT  METHOD, 
BY    THOMAS     VAENEY. 

1847. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1847, 

BY  JOHN  PICKERING, 
In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  17.  S.  District  Court,  Ohio  District. 


^ 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I.  Page. 

The  injustice  of  the  present  organization  of  Society,    •  3 

CHAPTER  II. 
The  means  by  which  the  many  have  been  enslaved  by  the  few,     15 

CHAPTER  III. 
Inconsistency  of  American  authors  on  Political  Economy,  33 

CHAPTER  IV. 
Legal  and  illegal  robbery  compared,          ....         40 

CHAPTER  V. 
Slavery  to  capital  more  degrading  than  chattel  slavery,       -         43 

CHAPTER  VI. 
On  the  nature  of  property  in  general,        -  46 

CHAPTER  VII. 
On  the  nature  of  capital,  money,  &c.,       -  -         56 

CHAPTER  VIII. 
Active  and  unproductive  capital,  considered,      •  -         65 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Debasing  the  circulating  medium — its  evil  consequences,    -         70 

CHAPTER  X. 

Production  and  consumption  of  wealth,  80 

CHAPTER  XI. 
"\Vyges  of  labor  no  equivalent  for  the  labor  performed,        -         88 

CHAPTER  XII. 
Fundamental  errors  of  Governments,        -         -         -  95 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Human  Rights  clearly  defined,         .....       101 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Permanent  Funding  System  a  violation  of  humetn  rights,  and 

therefore  inimical  to  the  happiness  of  "society,     •         •       110 

CHAPTER  xv. 

The  Banking  System-its  injustice  and  demoralizing  tendency; 

also  its  unconstitutionality,         -         -  -         -       117 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
A  Protective  Tariff  inconsistent  with  a  free  government,     •       144 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Rebellion — its  nature,  causes,  and  cure,     -  -       155 


M508373 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

House  rent— its  oppressive  action  upon  the  producing  classes,       162 
The  Temperance  cause  and  National  Reform,  compared,   •       164 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Warren's  Equitable  Commerce  reviewed,  and  the  incompe- 
tency  of  the  Labor  note  as  a  medium  of  commercial  ex- 
change, demonstrated,       -  -165 
CHAPTER  XX. 

Conclusion,  remedy  for  the  moral,  social  and  political  evils,  /     178 

Demon's  Analytical  Review  of  the  Statistics  of  the  United 
States,  in  which  he  shows  that  of  all  the  wealth  produ- 
ced in  the  country,  the  sole  producers  of  it,  are  only 
enabled  to  realize  two-elevenths  for  their  own  use,  the 
remaining  nine-elevenths  is  absorbed  by  the  non-pro- 
ducers, -  -  -  -  187 

National  Reform  Songs, 194  to  206 


TO    THE    READER. 


You  will  find,  on  perusing  the  WORKING  MAN'S  POLITICAL  ECONO- 
MY, that  the  main  object  of  the  Author  is  to  show  by  what  means  the 
productive  classes  of  society  may  realize  the  just  and  equitable 
reward  for  their  labor  and  toil.  Its  competency  to  effect  so  desira- 
ble an  end,  you  will  find,  depends  upon  the  truth  or  falsity  of  a 
single  proposition,  which  is  as  follows : 

If  the  legal  money  (or  labor)  value  of  the  elements  of  nature- 
were  abolished,  unconfounded  and  disconnected  with  the  products 
of  human  labor,  and  all  men  left  perfectly  free  to  compete  with 
each  other  in  supplying  their  own  and  the  wants  of  the  public,  (com- 
mercial demand,)  the  prices  of  all  exchangeable  things,  including 
personal  services  and  the  precious  metals,  whether  in  the  form  of 
coin  xor  not,  would  naturally,  gradually  i  and  without  any  artificial 
or  arbitrary  combination  or  organization  whatever,  gravitate  to  the 
COST  OF  PRODUCTION,  which  is  the  natural,  therefore  the  just  and  equi- 
table LIMIT  OF  PRICE.  And  such  an  equalizing  result  has  ONLY  been 
prevented  by  the  restrictive  and  coercive  acts  of  government  deri- 
ving the  power  to  enforce  them,  by  FIRST  MONOPOLIZING  THE  SOIL, 
subjecting  IT  and  HUMAN  FLESH  to  money  value,  contrary  to  the  law 
of  immutable  justice  and  the  common  rights  of  humanity. 

The  above  proposition  is  true,  or  it  is  not.  If  it  be  true,  it  is  very 
evident  that,  under  the  circumstances  just  mentioned,  all  persons 
engaged  in  useful  pursuits  would  in  the  aggregate  realize  an  equal 
amount  of  the  labor  or  service  of  others  in  exchange  for  their  own  ; 
therefore  no  one  could  become  possessed  of  property  but  in  propor- 
tion to  his  own  industry  or  usefulness.  And,  surely,  more  than  this, 
no  honest  man  either  could  or  would  ask  for :  it  being  but  even- 
handed  justice — practical  Christianity — "  reciprocal  social  inter- 
course"— equality  of  rights — "  individual  sovereignty" — "  equita- 
ble commerce" — unity  of  interest — "  doing  unto  others  as  we  would 
that  others  should  do  unto  us." 

Under  such  a  state  of  things,  industry  would  become  "attractive," 
and  might  be  made  "associative"  and  "  organized  "  upon  princi- 
ples of  justice  and  equity,  but  which  never  can  be  accomplished 
while  human  nature  is  what  it  is,  if  society  continues  to  give  a  pre- 
mium of  four  hundred  and  fifty  per  cent,  for  useless  idleness  over 
useful  industry. 

Place  every  man  upon  the  same  footing  in  regard  to  the  elements, 
and  competition,  instead  of  being  inimical  to  his  happiness,  will  be- 
come his  best  friend.  Competition  only  becomes  antagonistical  to 


the  happiness  of  man  when  the  NONOPOLISTS  OF  THE  SOIL  and  CAPITAL 
are  combined  with  the  strength  of  government  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  landless  and  houseless  producers  isolated  on  the  other,  and 
thereby  made  to  contend  for  the  scanty  crust  that  the  LORDS  OF  THE 
LAND  AND  THE  CAPITAL  have  determined  they  shall  only  enjoy. 

Such  are  the  settled  convictions  of  the  author  of  "The  Working 
Man's  Political  Economy ;"  and  if  his  views  are  not  correct,  it  is 
the  duty  of  others  to  show  WHY. 

Respectfully,  JOHN  PICKERING. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 


* 

9* 

Extracts  from  "Young  America,"  November  27,  1847. 

"  THE  WORKING- MAN'S  POLITICAL  ECONOMY,"  by  JOHN  PICKERING. 

Cincinnati.    1847. 

**  This  work  seems  to  be  the  first  product  of  the  National  Reform 
movement  in  b&>k  form,  and  presents  as  well  as  extends  its  princi- 
ples with  the  most  pungent  arguments.  It  is  most  admirably  calcu- 
lated to  instruct  the  working  man  in  the  true  nature  of  the  wrongs 
by  which  he  is  oppressed,  and  in  the  rights  to  which  he  has  never 
yet  attained.  It  should  circulate  in  the  garb  of  every  language 
throughout  the  world.  Would  to  God  it  could  be  shot  by  the  uni- 
versal electric  medium  into  the  minds  of  every  tenant  and  landlord, 
slave  and  master,  hireling  and  employer,  consumer  and  profitmon- 
ger,  voter  and  legislator,  upon  earth.  All  parties  would  then  see, 
that  while  luxurious  monopoly,  on  the  one  hand,  decimates  millions 
of  producers  by  destitution,  it  destroys,  on  the  other,  the  race  of 
nonproducers  by  superabundance.  They  would  see  that  superfluity 
destroys  the  monopolizers  themselves,  as  well  as  the  destitute,  by 
the  tribute  which  they  extort,  and  that  it  is  the  interest  of  all  man- 
kind to  mutually  protect  each  other  in  their  rights.  Never  has  a 
writer  made  so  effective  a  use  of  the  evidence  of  parties  against 
themselves."  LEWIS  MASQJJERIER. 

"  The  new  work  of  Mr.  Pickering  on  Political  Economy  is  worth 
more  than  all  the  books  on  the  same  subject  before  written,  and 
shall  receive  further  notice  hereafter."  ED.  YOUNG  AMERICA. 

ERRATA. — Page  43,  9th  line  from  top,  for  30,000  read  300,000  ; 
page  118,  25th  line  from  top,  for  "dirth"  read  death. 
Page  33,  top  line,  read  American  Authors. 


PREFACE. 


To  "  National  Reformers,"  and  the  producing,  or  work- 
Ing  classes,  in  general,  this  work  is  respectfully  dedicated. 

All  systems  of  Political  Economy,  heretofore  written  and 
published  to  the  world,  have  had,  'for  the^  main  object, — 

First.  The  support  and  prosperity  of  a  Monarchy,  with 
its  necessary  appendages  of  titles  of  nobility,  with  various 
ranks  of  birth,  grades  of  power  and  dignity,  special  priv- 
ileges, &c. 

Second.  The  support  and  prosperity  qftt  moneyed  Aris- 
tocracy ;  or,  in  other  words,  to  sustain,  justify  and  vindi- 
cate the  interests  and  claims  of  capital;  or  a  mixture  of 
both.  But,  in  both  of  these  systems,  the  just  claims  of  in- 
dustry, or  labor,  has  been  entirely  overlooked  or  forgotten. 
Furthermore,  man's  natural  and  inalienable  rights  have 
not  been  kept  in  view,  or  in  any  degree  respected  by  the 
advocates  of  either. 

The  object  of  this  work  is,  therefore,  to  expose  and 
make  manifest  the  false  principles  upon  which  they  are 
founded  ;  the  evil  tendency  of  their  operation  upon  society 
in  general;  and  what  are  the  just  claims  of  the  producing 
or  working  classes.  Also,  to  promote* National  Reform. 

We  have  but  one  favor  to  ask  of  the  reader,  and  that  is, 
to  read  the  work  carefully  through,  previous  to  passing  judg- 
ment upon  it.  And,  if  he  discovers  any  errors  in  the  prin- 
ciples laid  down,  false  deductions,  or  discrepancies,  it  is  his 
duty,  as  a  good  citizen,  to  expose  them.  But  let  him  do 
so  with  a  proper  spirit,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  becomes 
the  dignity  of  a  man :  let  his  sole  object  be  the  develop- 
ment of  truth,  which  is  the  sole  object  of  the  Author,  not 
forgetting  the  good  adage,  that  "  the  right  is  always  expe- 
dient." 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY. 

CHAPTER   I. 
INTRODUCTION. 

THE  INJUSTICE  OF  THE  PRESENT  ORGANIZATION  OF  SOCIETY. 

Whoever  will  but  open  his  eyes,  and  take  an  unpreju- 
diced view  of  society  as  it  is  now  organised,  cannot  fail 
to  observe  that  men  do  not  accumulate  property  in  pro- 
portion to  their  industry ;  but  the  reverse  is  the  fact.  In 
all  so  called  civilized  countries,  we  see  that  "men  are  re- 
spected in  proportion  as  they  are  enabled  by  the  posses- 
sion of  wealth  to  command  the  labor  or  service  of  others, 
and  so  essentially  necessary  are  indolence-  and  uselessness  to 
respectability,  that  men  are  despised  in  proportion  as  they  apply 
their  own  hands  to  purposes  of  utility" — (J.  Gray.) 

Every  where  we  see  toiling  millions  the  slaves  of  the 
capitalist;  consequently  we  find  unconsumable  wealth  in 
the  possession  of  a  few,  while  poverty,  discomfort  and 
wretchedness  is  the  lot  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people. 
These  truths  stare  us  in  the  face  ;  they  cannot  be  denied. 
The  rich  few  overburthened  with  wealth ;  the  poor  suf- 
fering with  want.  The  history  of  the  world  shows  us  this 
fact,  that  in  all  civilized  countries,  as  the  rich  b.ecojne 
richer,  the  poor  become  poorer;  the  greater'  the  amount 
of  wealth  in  a  country,  the  less  is  the  poor  man's  share, 
and  the  harder  has  he  to  work  for  a  bare  subsistence,  and 
as  the  capitalist  rises  in  riches,  power  and  splendor,  so  in 
proportion  the  working  man  sinks  into  poverty,  want  and 
wretchedness.  And  when  a  country  becomes  completely 
glutted  or  overstocked  with  wealth,  as  is  the  case  in  Eng- 
land at  this  time,  then  has  the  working  man  reached  the 
climax  of  his  misery,  degradation  and  wretchedness.  He 
would  be  glad  to  labor,  but  is  denied  the  privilege.  The 
capitalist  will  not  employ  him,  being  unable  to  realize 


4  WORKING  MAN'S 

profit  on  his  labor ;  therefore  is  he  turned  into  the  street 
to  starve,  to  beg,  or  to  steal;  he  must  do  one  or  the  other, 
there  is  no  alternative;  or  die.  (These  arc  the  privileges  of 
the  Free  Laborer.)  The  negro  slave-holder  cannot  do  this ; 
his  interest  will  at  least  prompt  him  to  keep  his  slaves  in 
a  healthy  working  condition,  so  that  he  may  take  the  best 
advantage  of  their  ability  to  labor  when  again  the  market 
opens,  or  in  other  words,  when  the  surplus  wealth  is  dis- 
posed of. 

Besides  all  this,  in  all  countries  where  negro  slavery 
exists,  the  master  is  bound  by  law  to  provide  for  and 
maintain  in  sickness  or  old  age  those  upon  whose  labor 
he  has  grown  rich ;  but  no  such  responsibility  is  imposed 
upon  the  capitalist,  neither  is  there  any  such  provision  for 
the  well  being  of  the  white  laborer  when  he  becomes  old 
and  infirm — unable  to  endure  his  former  amount  of  toil ; 
although  his  labor  and  toil  has  overburthened  with  wealth 
his  master,  the  capitalist,  himself  becomes  a  vile  cumber- 
er  of  the  ground,  an  incubus  on  society,  and  like  the  Son 
of  man,  "  hath  no  place  whereon  to  lay  his  head,"  hath 
none  to  sympathise  with  him,  or  care  for  him,  but  those 
who  are  in  the  same  situation  as  himself,  therefore  unable 
to  assist  him  ;  in  fact  he  is  a  thing  fit  and  worthy  only  to 
suffer  and  die,  and  the  sooner  he  is  out  of  the  way,  the  bet- 
ter. True  he  may  take  refuge  in  a  poor  house,  to  do 
which  is  held  to  be  degrading  by  all  classes,  and  is  revolt- 
ing to  all  men  of  dignified  feelings,  and  to  propose  it,  is 
an  insult  to  any  honest,  industrious  man,  who  is  possessed 
in  the  smallest  degree  of  conscious  integrity  and  self  re- 
spect; the  very  idea  is  too  loathsome  to  be  endured  by 
those  who  are  conscious  in  justice  deserve  a  better  fate. 

(For  a  proper  understanding  of  the  nature  and  opera- 
tion of  the  poor  house  system,  when  carried  out  to  perfec- 
tion, the  reader  is  referred  to  an  admirable  work  called 
"  The  Condition  and  Fate  of  England,  by  C.  E.  Lester,' 
which  is  a  book  every  American  ought  to  read.) 

If,  therefore,  what  has  just  been  stated  be  true,  (and  who 
can  doubt  it?  surely  no  one,)  then  is  the  condition  of  the 
negro  slave  (who  has  a  good  master)  preferable  to  that  of 
the  poor  white  man ;  the  former  having  a  master  interested 
at  least  in  his  being  in  a  healthy  condition;  and  whether 
he  work  or  play,  be  young  or  old,  sick  or  well,  the  master 
is  bound  to  feed,  clothe  and  shelter  him  to  the  latest  period 


-POLITICAL    ECONOMY. 


of  his  existence ;  while  the  latter  cannot  obtain  one,  (that 
is  a  master  that  cares  for  him,)  though  he  offers  to  sell 
himself  from  day  to  day  for  the  veriest  pittance  sufficient 
to  keep  body  and  soul  together. 

We  do  not  make  these  remarks  as  an  apology  for  chat- 
tel slavery. 

We  will,  perhaps,  be  told  that  such  a  state  of  things 
cannot  occur  in  this  country,  in  consequence  of  having 
better  institutions,  cheap  land,  no  kings,  no  titled  nobility, 
no  law  of  primogeniture,  &c. 

True,  we  have  no  political  kings,  but  we  have  our  land 
kings  and  our  money  kings,  whose  mandates  are  quite  as 
imperative,  quite  as  tyrannical — are  as  destitute  of  the 
feelings  of  humanity,  and  fleece  the  people  just  as  well 
and  just  as  certainly  as  any  bona  fide  king  of  the  old 
world.  We  have  no  titled  nobility  it  is  true;  but  we  have 
institutions  composed  exclusively  of  capitalists,  whose  in- 
fluence has  often  controlled  even  our  legislators,  from 
whom  they  have  obtained  special  privileges  which  in  their 
operation  produce  the  same  evils  in  society  that  titles  of 
nobility  do  in  other  countries:  the  object  of  both  being  to 
concentrate  the  wealth  of  a  country  into  the  hands  of  the 
wealthy  few,  from  the  hands  of  the  working  classes  as  fast 
as  it  is  produced  by  them ;  giving  in  exchange  for  solid 
wealth,  such  as  houses,  lands,  provisions,  &c.,  little  bits  of 
paper  which  cost  nothing  to  make,  decorated  with  pictures, 
and  promises  to  pay  when  it  suits  the  convenience  of  their 
lordships;  besides  many  other  cunningly  devised  pauper 
making  contrivances,  which  we  intend  to  examine  in  de- 
tail, and  expose  the  injustice  of  their  operation.  We  have 
only  abolished  the  shadow,  the  power  and  substance  we 
still  retain  with  all  its  baneful  consequences. 

Titles  of  nobility  would  be  of  no  value  to  the  possessors, 
but  for  the  power  derived  from  them  of  securing  titles  to 
land,  and  the  products  of  other  mens'  labor. 

All  this  is  accomplished  just  as  well,  and  quite  as'  certain, 
without  the  aid  of  titles  as  with  them,  as  we  shall  endeav- 
or to  demonstrate  in  its  proper  place. 

The  evils  brought  on  a  community,  by  the  means  of  spe- 
cial privileges,  are  not  in  the  least  abated  or  diminished; 
because  they  may  be  transferred  from  one  to  another. 
Let  us  suppose  A,  B,  and  C  the  community.  If  A  has  the 
privilege,  it  is  at  the  expense  of  B  and  C;  if  B  has  it,  it  is 


6  WORKING    MAN    8 

at  the  expense  of  A  and  C ;  if  C  has  it,  it  is  at  the  expense 
of  A  and  B,  Now,  as  it  is  impossible  to  play  this  game 
equally  in  a  large  community,  there  must  always  be  a  suf- 
fering party,  which  is  always  the  poor,  they  never  having 
a  hand  in  the  game.  Besides,  if  it  could  be  played  equally, 
they  would  end  just  where  they  begun  precisely:  just  like 
the  three  robbers,  who,  when  business  was  dull  and  victims 
were  scarce,  agreed  to  rob  one  another  for  the  purpose  of 
keeping  their  hands  in;  and  business  moving ;  in  other 
words,  make  prosperous  times. 

If  a  title  of  nobility,  or  special  privilege,  works  evil  in 
society,  whatever  that  evil  may  be,  it  can  never  be  altered, 
annuled,  or  obviated,  by  the  mere  circumstance  that  the 
power  which  works  that  evil  may  be  transferred  from  one 
to  another.  This  truth  must  be  obvious  to  all.  Therefore, 
the  argument  so  often  brought  forward  to  sustain  the  posi- 
tion of  those  who  advocate  the  justice  and  propriety  of 
granting  special  privileges,  under  a  government  based  upon 
the  principle  of  equal  rights  to  &\\,  falls  to  the  ground.  The 
word  is  a  solecism,  a  perfect  absurdity,  and  is  no  consis- 
tent part  of  our  American  government. 

The  real  evil  conferred  upon  a  community,  by  means  of 
titles  of  nobility  and  special  privileges,  is  that  they  con- 
centrate the  wealth  of  a  country  into  the  hands  of  a  few. 
This  makes  the  mass  poor. 

The  reader  must  remember,  that  it  is  not  with  men,  or 
with  mere  words,  that  we  make  battle,  but  with  false 
principles.  If  our  observations  may  sometimes  appear 
harsh,  refer  them  to  the  principles,  not  to  the  men  who  act 
under  their  influence ;  because  they  have  been  impressed 
upon  our  minds  by  the  force  of  surrounding  circumstances, 
over  which  we  have  had  no  control.  And  so  long  as  men 
act  under  the  influence  of  false  impressions  and  do  wrong, 
they  can  in  no  way  be  proper  subjects  of  blame.  There- 
fore, if  we  wish  to  find  truth,  we  must  search  for  it  dili- 
gently ;  lay  aside  prejudice,  open  our  eyes,  our  ears,  and 
our  understanding,  never  forgetting  that  all  truths  are  con- 
sistent with  each  other.  When  we  have  discovered  one 
truth  to  a  certainty,  discard  all  inconsistencies  with  it;  and 
so  on  from  truth  to  truth,  fear  nothing.  "  Prove  all  things, 
(by  comparison,)  hold  fast  that  which  is  good;"  and  when 
we  have  found  a  truth,  let  us  not  be  afraid  to  speak  it ;  aye, 
and  with  a  bold  and  manly  front,  maintain  it  against  all 
opposition. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  ? 

The  working  classes  are  more  deeply  affected  by  the 
evils  which  afflict  society,  than  any  others ;  they  alone  must 
remove  them,  no  others  either  can  or  will.  It  may  be  done, 
too,  without  doing  injustice  to  a  single  individual ;  it  must 
and  will  be  done,  the  good  and  virtuous  have  nothing  to 
fear.  The  history  of  the  world  teaches  us  the  folly  of  tel- 
ling the  wealthy  and  powerful,  they  ought  not  to  oppress 
their  fellow  men ;  when  they  have  been  taught  from  in- 
fancy up  to  manhood,  by  precept,  by  example,  and  in  the 
books,  that  this  is  their  legitimate  and  proper  vocation  * 
not  only  so,  but  is  incumbent  on  them  as  a  duty,  under  the 
plea  that  the  prosperity  of  the  public  is  promoted  by  it, 
therefore  a  virtue. 

This  will  te  fully  shown  in  its  proper  place. 

It  is  by  no  means  a  pleasant  task,  to  be  thus  exposing 
the  evils  brought  on  us  either  by  the  ignorance  or  dishon- 
esty of  those  who  have  hitherto  controlled  our  destiny. 
But  it  must  be  done:  justice  and  humanity  imperiously 
demand  it,  and  no  honest  man  (who  understands  the  sub- 
ject) can  object  to  it. 

Much  as  we  respect  and  would  like  to  promote  the  good 
feelings  of  our  fellow  men,  still  our  respect  for  truth,  jus- 
tice and  humanity  is  much  greater ;  let  this  be  our  apology, 
remembering  that  we  battle  not  with  men,  but  false  prin- 
ciples. 

Our  would-be  lords  and  masters  may  tell  us  we  ought  to 
stick  to  the  plough,  to  the  hammer,  the  anvil,  the  last,  and 
the  jack  plane.  Though  they  may  reprove  us  in  the  fol- 
lowing language  of  the  poet,  still  we  must  speak : 

'•  Why  shall  ev'ry  low  bred  wretch  of  letters, 
Dare  to  speak  the  truth  against  his  lordly  betters  ! ! 
Let  ragged  virtue  stand  aloof, 
Nor  mutter  accents  of  reproof ; 
Let  ragged  wit  a  mute  become, 
"When  wealth  and  power  would  have  her  dumb." 

CHURCHILL. 

Still  we  cannot  be  dumb. 

There  was  a  time,  no  doubt,  when  it  would  have  been 
little  short  of  madness,  to  have  attempted  to  publish  to  the 
world  such  truths  as  are  put  forth  in  this  book ;  but,  thanks 
to  God,  by  His  providence  in  the  course  of  human  pro- 
gression, that  time  is  happily  and  swiftly  passing  away. 


g  WORKING    MAN'S 

The  mass  of  mankind  are  beginning  to  percerw  that  they 
have  been  imposed  upon  by  their  rulers,  who  have  disre- 
garded the  poor  man's  just  rights;  they  have  clothed  error 
in  the  garb  of  truth,  and  truth  with  that  of  error,  so  that 
the  one  has  been  taken  for  the  other.  Consequently  error 
has  been  heaped  upon  error,  vice  upon  vice,  and  crime 
upon  crime,  till  the  world  is  literally  overwhelmed  with 
confusion;  and  man  is  nowhere  found  virtuous  and  appy. 
To  prove  that  this  is  no  idle  chimera,  or  the  phantom  of 
a  diseased  brain,  but  a  frightful  reality,  read  the  following: 
from  one  of  I1. 3  most  aristocratic  publications,  perhaps,  in 
the  world : 

"BRITISH  PAUPERISM. — According  to  a  writer  in  Blackwood's 
Magazine,  the  number  of  paupers  in  Great  Britain  is  4,000,000,  or 
one-seventh  part  of  the  entire  population  of  the  empire.  The  pro- 
portion is  as  follows:  In  England  1,500,000;  in  Ireland  2,300,000; 
in  Scotland  200,000.  Since  1815,  a  period  of  only  thirty  years, 
there  has  been  raised  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  in  England  alone, 
upwards  of  £200,000,000,  or  about  one  thousand  million  of  dollars. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  has  been  demonstrated,  by  the  returns  of  the 
income  tax,  that  there  are  seventy  thousand  persons  in  the  empire 
whose  annual  revenue  is  $200,000,000,  or  about  £2,300  each. 
This  monstrous  inequality  of  human  condition,  remarks  the  Con- 
cord Freeman,  in  a  country  the  richest  and  most  industrious  the 
world  has  ever  seen,  is  alarming  to  the  last  degree,  and  almost 
shakes  ones  faith  in  divine  justice;  for  its  greatest,  effect  is  seen  in 
the  prodigious  increase  of  immorality  and  crime.  During  the  last 
forty  years,  crime  has  increased  at  a  tenfold  greater  rate  than  pop- 
ulation. It  is  obvious  that  a  state  of  things  so  radically  wrong  can- 
not long  continue.  A  general  overturn  must  come,  and  the  world 
will  experience  even  a  greater  shock  than  was  felt  at  the  outbreak 
jn  France,  a  little  more  than  fifty  years  since.  What  is  terrible  in 
the  picture,  is  the  contrast  which  it  presents  to  the  contemplative 
spectator.  The  foreground  is  filled  with  all  that  can  please  the  eye 
and  captivate  the  mind;  but  behind  that  is  a  destiny  of  evil,  an  ac- 
cumulation of  hideous  objects,  which  absolutely  appal  the  stoutest 
hearts  that  beat  in  human  breasts.  The  wealth  of  England  is  no 
dream,  but  a  real,  tangible  matter;  it  is  no  exaggerated  thing,  like 
the  accounts  which  we  have  in  eastern  story  of  accumulations  of 
coin  and  precious  stones  in  the  treasury  of  this  or  that  ruler — but 
it  is  soliu,  substantial,  and  an  instrument  of  real  power.  On  the 
other  hand  is  the  poverty  of  the  masses,  a  poverty  of  so  squallid  a 
character,  that  even  the  mendicity  of  Southern  Europe  appears 
happiness  by  comparison  with  it.  For,  to  appreciate  the  entire  evils 
of  the  case,  it  must  be  clearly  remembered,  that  while  the  Li  ?a- 


POLITICALECONOMY.  0 

roni  arc  practical  philosophers,  and  almost  literally  produce  nothing, 
the  English  poor  are  many  of  them  the  hardest  workers  on  earth, 
and  those  who  are  idle  would  work,  could  they  find  employment. 
England  owes  her  wealth  to  them.  They  have  dug  it  from  her 
mines,  they  have  created  it  in  her  factories  and  work-shops,  they 
have  drawn  it  from  the  waters  of  every  ocean,  'from  Zembla  to  the 
Line,'  and  in  its  accumulation  have  periled  every  thing  that  is  dear 
to  life.  Their  reward  for  all  this  is  starvation  to  themselves  and 
their  children,  or  the  bitter  bread  of  forced  charity,  grudgingly 
provided  by  the  hearts  as  cold  as  polar  ice,  and  dealt  out  by  the 
hands  that  would  fain  strangle  the  recipients  of  the  churlish  morsel 
What  a  commentary  is  this  on  the  popular  dogma,  that  honest  in- 
dustry ever  meets  with  its  fitting  reward !  Of  old  it  was  said  that 
ho  who  would  not  work,  neither  should  he  eat;  now,  he  who  works, 
or  who  is  willing  to  work,  cannot  get  foocl,  except  as  a  pauper. 

It  is  sad  to  think  upon.  And  it  adds  to  the  gloom  which  the  con- 
templation of  so  black  a  picture  excites,  when  we  observe  that  we 
are  treading  in  the  same  road  which  has  led  the  people  of  England 
into  a  vast  quagmire — that  we  are  following  the  identical  ^ignes 
falui  which  have  led  that  great  race  to  the  miry  gulf,  whose  insa- 
tiable wants  arc  stayed  not  by  swallowing  empires— the  terrible 
Serbonian  bog,  in  which  it  would  seem  a?e  to  be  engulphed  '  the 
hopes  of  all  men  in  every  nation.'" 

If  God  has  implanted  in  man  a  desire  to  associate  with  his  own 
species,  which  is  evidently  the  case,  socfay  is  the  natural  condition 
of  man. 

If,  then,  society,  as  now  organised,  produces  the  most  overwhelm- 
ing evils,  and  gives  to  man  the  power  of  exercising  over  his  fellow 
man  every  description  of  oppression,  tyranny,  cruelty  and  injustice, 
it  is  certain,  yes  positively  certain,  either  that  God  has  created  man 
for  wretchedness  in  this  ivorld,  or  that  man  has  yet  to  learn  the 
'principles  on  which  society  must  be  founded  to  make  him  happy." 

GRAY. 

This  conclusion  is  irresistible  and  self  evident.  In  view 
of  these  facts  before  us,  shall  we  still  slumber  on  in  delu- 
sive, security?  shall  we  sing  peace,  while  there  is  no  justice? 
shall  we  be  told  that  things  are  well  enough,  while  mil- 
lions are  starving  in  the  midst  of  abundance  ?  Shall  we 
perceive  these  evils  coming  swiftly  upon  us,  without  an 
effort  to  avert  the  calamity  ? 

To  hold  our  peace  we  cannot,  dare  not.  God  forbids  it. 
Humanity  forbids  it.  The  very  stones  would  cry  out 
against  us,  were  we  to  hold  our  peace.  •• 

Working  men,  wake  up,  wake  up '    To  us  belongs  the 


10  WORKING    MANS 

task  of  commencing  the  work  of  moral  reform;  we  no,*^ 
trusted  our  self-made  masters  to6  long.  We  must  work 
out  our  own  salvation  ourselves;  but  not  with  fear  or 
trembling ;  none  but  those  who  oppress  their  fellow  men 
need  do  this.  Let  us  not  be  rash  or  hasty;  first  be  sure  we 
are  right,  then  press  forward. 

Being  conscious  of  our  integrity,  the  purity  of  our  mo- 
tives, and  the  justness  of  our  cause,  let  onward,  be  our 
course ;  looking  neither  to  the  right  nor  left,  never  cease 
our  exertions  till  man  is  restored  to  his  natural  and  in- 
alienable rights., 

If  \ve  are  successful,  millions  yet  unborn  will  rejoice  in 
the  fruits  of  our  victory.  We  shall  no  doubt  be  stigma- 
tized as  disorganizes,  levellers,  rebels,  thieves,  robbers, 
and  other  choice  epithets  from  the  vocabulary  of  law  and 
order.  Our  principles  will  be  misconstrued,  misrepresen- 
ted, and  our  motives  arraigned.  For  this  we  must  be  pre- 
pared, as  this  has  been  the  common  lot  of  all  who  have 
attempted  to  improve  the  condition  of  mankind,  from  the 
earliest  ages  down  to  the  present  moment :  of  this  we  ought 
to  be  proud.  Is  it  not  virtuous  to  destroy  evil?  Surely  it  is^ 
Did  not  ^Christ  come  to  destroy  the  works  of  the  Devil, 
and  to  .disorganize  the  Jewish  Church ;  to  level  and  break 
down  the  corruptions  of  its  priesthood?  Certainly  he  did. 
And  for  so  doing,  was  he  not  crucified  ,by  the  then  advo^" 
cates  of  law  and  order.  Galileo  was  incarcerated  in  a 
dungeon  for  promulgating  the  truth,  by  the  advocates  of 
law  and  order.  Socrates  suffered  death  for  preaching  nefa 
doctrines,  and  that  too  at  the  hands  of  the  friends  of  law 
and  order. 

How 'often  have  we  been  told,  that  to  resist  tyranny  is 
obedience  to  God,*and  our  hearts  have  always  joyfully  re- 
sponded to  the  truth  of  the  sentiment.  It  can  make  not 
the  least  difference  as  to  who  the  tyrant  is,  whether  he  be 
a  kingly  despot,  a  capitalist,  or  a  landlord,  so  he  does  but 
oppress  his  fellow  men  and  violate  their  just  rights. 

Martin  Luther,  John  Huss,  George  Fox,  William  Penn, 
arid  a  host  of  others  that  might  be  named,  were  all  disor- 
ganizers.  That  now  famous  band  of  dauntless  heroes, 
who  signed  that  memorable  instrument  called  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence,  were  disorganizers  because  they 
abolished  all  the  laws  of  the  land  at  a  blow.  They  were 
*  levellers  also,  because  they  declared  that  all  men's  rights 
were  equal;  that  is?  the  same,  or  alike  for  all  men. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  II. 

These  'honest,  unflinching,  unterrifled  patriots,  have  set 
us  a  noble  example ;  let  us  profit  bj  it.  Although  we  hold 
these  men  in  such  high  esteem  among  us,  yet  the  men  of 
law  and  order  of  that  day,  branded  them  as  rebels  and 
traitors;  and  adjudged  all  and  each  of  them  worthy  only 
of  a  halter,  and  would  have  suffered  accordingly,  if  the 
men  of  law  and  order  could  have  succeeded  in  getting 
them  into  their  power ;  this  Providence  otherwise  ordered 

Shall  we  be  told  in~the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
that  it  is  wicked  to  insist  on  having  our  rights  ?  Away 
with  such  absurdities.  We,  the  people  of  this  mighty  re- 
public, are  its  sovereigns ;  ourrulers  for  the  time  being,  our 
servants,  and  they  are  bound  to  do  our  bidding.  So,  then, 
if  our  opponents  revile  us,  let  us  not  revile  again,  nor  in 
any  way  excite  their  combativeness^  but  ever  present  a 
bold,  undaunted  and  fearless  attitude ;  endeavor  to  con-*l 
vince  our  adversaries  of  the  truth  and  justice  of  our  cause, ' 
that  our  object  is  to  injure  no  one,  but  to  procure  justice 
for  all,  to  carry  out  practically  the  great  principle  of  the 
Christian  religion — that  of  doing  to  all  men « what  we 
should  wish  all  men  to  do  unto  us.  ^Therefore,  we  ask 
nothing  of  our  fellow  men,  nor  of  government  either,  that 
we  are  not  willing  to  grant  freely  to  all.  If  this  be  wrong, 
Ifct  our  opponents  show  us  the  why  and  wherefor£.  We 
shall  now  dismiss  this  part  of  the  subject,  by  a  quotation 
from  Paley's  Moral  Philosophy,  who  is  an  orthodox  author; 
i»  which  he  gives  us  a  beautiful  and  correct  illustration  of 
*  'the  present  unjust  and  unnatural  state  of  society : 

*'If  you  should  see  (says  Mr.  Paley)  a  flock  of  pigeons  in  a 
field  of  corn ;  and  if  (instead  of  each  picking  where  and  what  it 
liked  best,  taking  just  as  much  as  it  wanted  and  no  more,)  you 
should  see  ninety-nine  of  them  gathering  all  they  got  into  a  heap ; 
reserving  for  themselves  nothing  but  the  chaff  and  the  refuse ;  keep^ 
ing  this  heap  for  one,  and  that  the  worst  perhaps  of  the  whole 
flock;  sitting  round  and  looking  on  all  the  winter,  whilst  this  one 
was  devcftiring,  wasting,  and  scattering  it  about ;  and  if  a  pigeon 
more  hardy  or  hungry  than  the  rest,  touched  a  grain  of  the  hoard, 
all  the  others  flying  instantly  upon  it  and  tearing  it  to  pieces ;  if 
you  should  see  this,  you  would  see  nothing  more  than  what  is  daily 
practised  and  established  among  men."  • 

"  Among  men  you  see  the  ninety  and  nine  toiling  and  scraping 
together  a  heap  of  superfluities  for  one ;  (and  this  one,  too,  often- 
times, the  very  worst  of  the  whole  set,  a  woman,  a  child,  a  mad* 


man,  or  a  fool ;)  getting  nothing  for  themselves  all  the  while,  but  a 
little  of  the  coarsest  of  the  provision  which  their  own  industry  pro- 
duces; looking  quietly  on,  while  they  see  the  fruits  of  their  labor 
and  toil  spent,  spoiled,  or  wasted  by  the  idle;  and  if  one  of  tho 
number  dare  but  touch  a  particle  of  the  hoard,  the  others  joining 
against  him,  and  imprisoning  or  hanging  him  for"  (what  law  and 
order  men  call)  "the  theft." 

This  is  called  justice !  Mr.  Paley  himself  thinks  that  the 
foregoing  view  of  civilization  is  very  paradoxical  and  un- 
natural, but  still  such  institutions  are  of  immense  benefit 
tc  mankind,  inasmuch  as  they  tend  to  increase  the  produce 
of  the  earth,  and  prevent  contests  among  men.  The  last 
conclusion  seems  to  us  quite  ridiculous ;  as  experience 
teaches  us,  that  the  more  law,  the  more  contention. 

There  has  lately  c*ome  to  light  a  small  scrap  of  history, 
relating  to  King  George  III.  and  Dr.  Paley,  which  is  of 
much  importance  to  mention  in  this  place.  It  is  found  in 
a  late  number  of  Littell's  Living  Age.  and  is  as  follows : 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  King's  Council,  at  which  a  bishop 
was  to  have  been  appointed,  a  member  proposed  Dr.  Paley; 
at  the  mention  «f  whose  name,  his  majesty  cried  out, 
what!  what!  what!  Pigeon  Paley! — make  Pigeon  Pa- 
ley  a  bishop?  No,  no,  no;  never." 

The  king  very  consistently  considered  it  would  never  do 
to  reward  a  man  for  telling  the  truth.  Notwithstanding* 
but  a  very  few  words  were  written  by  the  Doctor,  and  that 
few  he  had  white-washed  over  in  a  very  ingenious  man- 
ner, still  the  king  could  never  forgive  him.  It  is  precisely 
so  in  the  present  day ;  those  who  rule  the  destinies  of  man- 
kind, would  never  forgive  an  individual  who  should  at- 
tempt to  expose  the  injustice  of  that  "paradoxical  and  un- 
natural" code  of  law  by  which  the  world  is  now  governed. 

Fellow  working  men,  having  taken  notice  of  some  of 
the  most  prominent  and  glaring  evils  consequent  upon 
society,  especially  to  the  working  classes,  by  the  present 
unnatural  organization  of  our  institutions;  we  now  sol- 
emnly call  upon  you,  as  you  value  your  own  happiness, 
your  security  from  future  want  and  misery,  and  the  future 
well  being  of  your  children,  to  take  this  subject  into  your 
most  serious  consideration ;  open  your  eyes,  your  ears,  and 
your  understanding;  examine  every  argument;  that  may 
be  brought  forward  in  this  work  carefully  and  critically ; 
then  judge  for  yourselves  as  to  the  truth  or  falsehood  of 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  13 

what  we  have  laid  before  you.  Commit  the  principle  ar- 
guments to  memory,  especially  those  which  involve  first 
principles ;  when  you  understand  them  ?.right,  you  cannot 
fail  to  perceive  the  truth.  Never  conclude  that  any  thing- 
is  necessarily  true,  merely  because  found  stated  in  this 
book,  or  any  other  book;  nor  merely  because  some  great 
personage  says  so — this  would  be  taking  truth  upon  trust; 
but  judge  for  yourselves,  bearing  in  mind  that  all  truths 
are  consistent  with  one  another;  and  also,  that  all  truths 
which  are  necessary  for  the  promotion  of  our  happiness, 
are  capable  of  being  demonstrated;  and  when  we  are 
fully  armed  with  the  truth,  one  can  chase  a  thousand  of 
such  as  are  in  error,  and  two  can  put  ten  thousand  to  flight. 
The  following  sentiments  are  extracted  from  the  "Work- 
ing Man's  Manual,"  by  Stephen  Simpson,  formerly  Cashier 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  published  1831  : 

"  If  ever  a  party  set  out  upon  scientific  principles,  grounded  on  ' 
mathematical  precision,  it  is  surely  that  of  the  working  men.  They 
are  a  philosophical,  political,  economical  party.  They  have  gone 
to  the  fountain  head  of  first  principles,  and  dragged  forth  justice 
from  the  turbid  waters  of  time.  They  have  analyzed  the  elements 
of  national  wealth  and  individual  happiness.  They  have  detected 
the  errors  of  established  systems,  and  exposed  the  injustice  of 
privileged  orders,  vested  with  exclusive  rights  to  accumulate  wealth 
at  the  sacrifice  of  those  who  produce  it !  Constituting  in  fact  a 
large  majority  of  society,  they  have  at  length  discovered,  that  they 
have  heretofore  been  voting  for  representatives  who  make  laws 
on  principles  directly  inimical  to  their  industry,  prosperity  and  in- 
terest— instead  of  supporting,  for  those  high  trusts,  men  who  will  be 
true  to  the  grand  fundamental  doctrines  of  constitutional  equity. 
*  Forming  the  bulwark'  (and  being  the  very  bone  and  sinew)  'of 
the  nation  in  time  of  war,  as  well  as  the'  (only)  'source  of  its  opu- 
lence at  all  times,  they  have  found  themselves  oppressed  in  a  period 
of  profound  peace,  by  a  militia  system,  as  onerous,  as  degrading, 
and  as  futile  as  it  is  immoral — a  system  which  never  reaches  to  the 
idle  drove  of  society'  (who  are  continually  preying  upon  its  vitals.) 
'  Finding  their  want  of  education  an  impediment  to  the  correction 
of  the  abuses  practised  on  them,  they  have  claimed  Public  Instruc- 
tion for  their  children,  and  have  been  answered  by  the  sneer  of 
derision  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  cry  of  revolution  on  the  other. 
It  is  even  prono  jnced  dangerous  to  let  them  know,  what  no  art  can 
conceal  from  thtm,  and  no  sophistry  induce  them  to  disbelieve,  that 
they  produce  all  the  wealth  of  society  without  sharing  a  thousandth 
part  of  it !  that  they  do  all  the  work,  elect  all  the  public  functiona- 


K  WORKING    MAN'S 

ries,  fight  all  our  battles,  gain  all  our  victories,  cause  all  our  enjoy- 
ments to  flow  upon  us,  generation  after  generation  and  age  after  age, 
and  still  remain  destitute  of  the  frugal  store  of  competence,  which 
ought  always  injustice  to  be  the  reward  of  industry.' " 

If  there  is  danger  in  the  announcement  of  this  mon- 
strous system  of  injustice,  let  wrong  be  removed,  and  the 
danger  will  cease;  but  the  danger  ought  to  exist,  whilst  such 
an  oppressive  result  Jlows  with  mathematical  precision  from  the 
present  perverted  organization  of  government. 

"  Most  of  our  capital  is  of  the  fictitious  kind.  If  we  had  none 
but  what  is  really  capital — gold  and  silver,  or  real  property — "(pro- 
ducts of  labor) — "perhaps  capital  would  no  longer  prove  the  enemy 
of  labor,  nor  the  cormorant  of  industry.  Such,  however,  is  not 
the  fact.  What  is  monopoly?  Capital  combined,  to  acquire  the 
products  of  labor  without  giving  value,  and  to  dispose  of  them  for 
more  than  value.  In  this  brief  definition,  we  have  a  full  display  of 
the  extortionate  character  of  capital,  as  it  generally  appears  in  the 
present  age. 

"  The  only  true  and  just  mode  of  distributing"  (the  products  of) 
"labor,  is  by  giving  value  for  value."  (Or,  in  other  words, exchang- 
ing equal  quantities  of  labor.) 

So  says  Stephen  Simpson,  the  banker.  In  order  that 
the  producers  of  wealth  may  be  able  to  throw  off  the 
shackles  that  bind  them  in  absolute  slavery  to  the  arrogant 
claims  of  the  unfeeling  capitalist,  Mr.  Simpson  says :  "As 
capital  is  vested  in  the  few,  and  labor  resides  in  the  many, 
it  only  requires  that  the  latter  combine  to  bring  govern- 
ment into  their  own  hands,  to  secure  all  they  desire." 
To  promote  the  attainment  of  this  end,  is  the  object  of 
publishing  this  work.  Mr.  Simpson  says:  "At  first  the 
struggle  will  be  great  and  arduous;  but  perseverence  and 
concord,  on  expansive  grounds,  must  finally  lead  to  a  sig- 
nal triumph."  So  say  we. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  15 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  MEANS  BY  WHICH  THE  MANY  HAVE  BEEN  ENSLAVED  BY  THE  FEW. 

IT  must  be  evident  to  all  who  have  reflected  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  indeed  history  confirms  the  conclusion,  that,  in 
the  first  stages  of  an  approach  towards  civilization,  much 
strife  and  contention  must  have  existed  with  regard  to 
man's  rights  to  the  ownership  of  property.  Such  being 
the  case,  the  natural  instinct  of  self-preservation  has  been 
a  sufficient  impulse  to  convince  a  community  of  the  neces- 
sity of  making  laws  of  some  kind  or  other.  In  all  coun- 
tries, and  in  all  ages,  the  law-making  power  has  resided 
only  in  the  hands  of  the  few.  Whether  this  power  has 
been  usurped  or  delegated,  is  of  little  consequence  in  this 
place :  at  all  events,  they  have  been  conspicuous  men  in 
community ;  men  of  talents,  (that  is,  men  who  understand 
the  use  and  power  of  words,)  men  of  wealth,  and,  above 
all  things,  great  lovers  of  law  and  order.  Whether  these 
men  were  men  of  honest  integrity,  remains  yet  to  be  seen ; 
but  that  they  should  make  some  great  efforts  to  provide 
well  for  themselves,  is  not  in  the  least  to  be  wondered  at; 
though  we  think  they  had  but  a  short-sighted  view  of  their 
own  permanent  interest. 

AXIOM  1.  We  lay  down  as  an  axiom,  that  we  secure  our 
own  happiness  best  by  promoting  that  of  all  men;  or,  in 
other  words,  the  happiness  of  mankind  is  promoted  and 
secured  best  where  men's  rights  are  least  violated. 

Ax.  2.  That  government  is  only  just,  which  secures  to 
all  men  their  just  rights. 

The  absolute,  natural,  unalienable  rights  of  all  men  are: 

1.  "  The  right  to  personal  security  in  an  uninterrupted 
enjoyment  of  life,  his  limbs,  his  health  and  his  reputation." 
— Blackstone. 

We  add, 

2.  The  right  to  own  and  possess  as  property  whatever 
may  be  made  or  produced  by  the  energies  and  capabilities 
of  the  body  and  limbs,  of  which  he  only  is  the  rightful 
owner ;  and  this  property  he  has  a  right  to  keep,  to  de 
stroy,  to  consume,  to  give  or  bequeath,  and  to  sell  or  ex» 


16 

change ;  and  when  he  parts  with  any  portion  of  it  for  the 
use  of  others,  he  has  a  right  to  an  equivalent, 

3.  The  right  to  the  equal  use  of  all  the  elements  as  they 
exist  in  a  state  of  nature,  to  wit:  air,  sunshine,  land,  wa- 
ter, fruits,  vegetables,  wild  animals,  fish,  &c. 

Now  these,  we  contend,  are  the  natural  and  unalienable 
rights  of  all  men ;  the  truth  of  which  are  self-evident ;  for 
the  proof  of  which,  let  every  one  who  may  feel  disposed 
to  object  to  any  of  them,  say  which  of  them  he  himself  is 
willing  to  relinquish,  or  that  wrould  be  wTong  for  him  to 
claim.  We  say,  let  him  ask  himself  the  question;  and  if 
he  be  an  honest  seeker  after  truth,  he  will  find  there  is  but 
one  way  to  answer.  Not  one,  every  man  would  say,  with- 
out an  exception. 

Furthermore,  we  contend  that  all  the  evils  depicted  in 
the  first  chapter  have  been  entailed  upon  us  by  the  learned, 
cunning,  knowing,  crafty  few,  by  totally  disregarding  our 
rights ;  by  giving  us  error  for  truth,  wrongs  for  rights,  and 
the  mere  jingle  of  words  for  knowledge.  Their  first  great 
and  masterly  stroke  of  policy  being  to  hoodwink  and  blind- 
fold Justice,  to  prevent  her  from  taking  cognizance  of  the 
enormities  they  were  about  to  commit  in  her  name. 

For  the  truth  of  these  statements,  we  will  open  their 
own  books,  and  let  them  condemn  themselves. 

Mr.  Paley  tells  us,  (page  59,  vol.  3,)  that  the  real  foun- 
dation of  our  rights  is  the  laws  of  the  land.  This  being 
the  case,  it  follows,  as  a  matter  of  course,  that,  as  the  rights 
to  property  depend  upon  the  law  of  the  land,  a  man  has 
a  right  to  take  away  any  amount  of  property  whatever 
from  others,  without  being  obliged  to  give  an  equivalent, 
so  he  can  but  screen  himself  behind  the  law:  he  may 
commit  any  enormity  whatever,  so  he  can  have  influence 
to  get  law  to  protect  him ;  without  any  regard  to  man's 
natural  rights  whatever,  or  what  is  justly  due  from  man 
to  man.  Is  it  any  wonder,  then,  that  the  world  is  filled 
with  crime  and  misery  ?  Not  any.  This,  being  a  funda- 
mental principle  in  law,  is  still  adhered  to  in  the  present 
day,  and  will  so  remain  until  the  mass  discover  in  what 
way  they  have  been  enslaved ;  then  will  they  rise  up  in 
the  majesty  of  their  strength,  and  decide  that  this  state  of 
injustice  shall  exist  no  longer. 

Let  every  one  ask  himself  the  question:  Can  this  decla- 
ration of  Mr.  Paley  have  any  tendency  in  securing  men  in 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  17 

the  enjoyment  of  their  natural  and  tin  alienable  rights? 
There  is  but  one  answer  can  be  given.  This  is  one  of  the 
falsities,  by  the  use  of  which  the  many  have  become  en- 
slaved by  the  few.  Mr.  Paley  admits,  (page  60,)  that  a 
bad  use  is  apt  frequently  to  be  made  by  the  establishment 
of  this  principle,  as  in  many  cases  it  will  authorize  the 
most  flagitious  chicanery.  This  is  just  what  all  honest 
men  think.  Mr.  Paley  further  says,  at  the  end  of  the  same 
chapter:  "Property  is  the  principle  subject  of  justice";  but 
as  to  persons  being  the  subjects  of  justice,  he  says  nothing. 
This  was  very  prudent,  his  book  being  made  for  the  rich 
to  read;  not  the  poor.  Mr.  Blackstone  tells  us,  (vol.  1, 
page  124,)  "  That  the  first  and  primary  object  and  end  of 
human  laws,  is  to  maintain  and  regulate  the  absolute  rights 
of  individuals,  which  are,  in  themselves,  few  and  simple, 
and  are  as  follow:  the  right  of  personal  security  in  an  un- 
interrupted enjoyment  of  life,  his  limbs,  his  body,  his  health, 
and  his  reputation."  (As  to  man's  rights  to  his  just  pro- 
portion of  land,  and  to  the  products  of  his  own  labor,  he 
says  nothing  in  particular,  though  it  may,  with  much  pro- 
priety, be  included  in,  and  rightly  inferred  from  the  decla- 
ration he  gives  us.)  In  the  face  of  this  declaration,  Mr. 
Blackstone  sets  to  work  and  wrrites  four  large  volumes,  each 
containing  about  500  quarto  pages;  the  object  and  end  of 
which  is  to  show,  in  a  systematical  manner,  how  a  few,  by 
laws  and  rules,  made  exclusively  by  themselves,  with  noth- 
ing to  check  or  restrain  them  but  their  own  self-love  and 
natural  love  of  ease,  dominion  and  self-aggrandizement, 
and  by  what  means  and  by  what  rules  man's  absolute,  nat- 
ural and  unalienable  rights  might  and  should  be  violated, 
(except  in  their  own  cases,)  set  at  naught,  totally  disre- 
garded, and  trampled  under  foot  by  kings,  nobles,  lords, 
dukes,  barons,  counts,  earls,  generals,  and  many  other  dig- 
nitaries, magistrates,  landlords,  capitalists,  bankers,  &c., 
&c.:  also,  by  what  rules  they  might  take  away  that  life 
which  all  men  had  an  absolute  right  to  enjoy;  what  kind 
of  ceremony  they  should  make  use  of  previous  to  chop- 
ping off  a  brother's  head,  his  hands,  or  his  ears,  stringing 
him  on  a  gallows,  branding  his  flesh  with  a  red  hot  iron ; 
how  they  might  condemn  him  to  the  gallies  for  life,  ban- 
ish him  from  the  land  of  his  birth,  incarcerate  him  in  a 
dungeon,  rob  him  of  his  unalienable  right  in  the  soil,  and 
plunder  him  of  the  products  of  the  labor  of  his  own  hands; 


18  WORKING   MAN'S 

in  short,  commit  every  species  of  crime  with  perfect  impu- 
nity, without  the  slightest  fear  of  punishment  •  (having  ihe 
implements  of  torture  in  their  own  hands,  witii  the  power 
and  will  to  use  them.)  but,  on  the  contrary,  are  rewarded 
with  crowns  of  glittering  gold,  set  with  diamonds  and  oth- 
er precious  stones,  coronets,  orders  of  kighthood  rf  the  star 
.and  garter,  mitres,  robes  01  honor,  commissions  to  kill, 
and  many  other  dignities  and  pompous  marks  of  dis- 
tinction. 

They,  are  clothed  in  purple  and  line  linen,  and  fare 
sumptuously  every  day;  they  live  in  splendid  halls  and 
marble  palaces,  ride  with  much  pomp  in  expensive  coaches 
drawn  with  many  horses,  and  occupy  the  highest  seats  in 
the  synagogue ;  they  require  the  service  of  many  of  their 
fellow  men,  to  wait  upon  them,  to  wash  them,  dress  and 
undress  them,  and  put  them  to  bed,  as  though  they  were 
helpless  infants.  They  require  us  to  salute  them  with 
pompous  titles,  as,  "  your  most  gracious  Majesty,"  "your 
Grace,"  "my  Lord,"  and  athe  Right  Honorable,"  "your  Rev- 
erence," &c.  They  wish  to  be  looked  up  to  as  a  superior 
order  of  beings;  they  are  to  be  considered  as  patterns  of 
piety,  charity  and  benevolence ;  they  profess  to  be  the  fol- 
lowers of  the  meek  and  lowly  Jesus,  who  had  not  where 
to  lay  his  head;  pretend  to  believe  in  his  gospel,  which  re- 
quires them  to  love  their  fellow  men  as  they  do  themselves ; 
to  do  unto  all  men  as  they  would  that  all  men  should  do 
unto  them.  But  these  requirements  they  totally  disregard  ; 
when  we  ask  for  bread,  which  the  labor  of  our  own  hands 
has  alone  produced  an  abundance  for  all,  they  give  us  a 
stone,  a  kick,  perhaps  a  knock  on  the  head. 

When  we  ask  for  our  just  rights  only,  we  are  caged  in 
a  dungeon,  doomed  to  drag  out  a  miserable  existence  in 
solitude  and  wretchedness.  This  has  actually  taken  place 
in  this  enlightened  age,  in  this  boasted  land  of  liberty,  un- 
•der  a  government  professed  to  be  based  upon  the  principle 
that  the  only  just  rights  to  govern  a  people  are  derived 
from  the  consent  of  those  to  be  governed. 

All  that  those  persecuted  victims  of  power  and  cruelty 
asked  for,  was  permission  to  deposite  their  votes  in  the 
ballot  box,  which,  in  justice,  they  had  as  good  right  to  do, 
as  they  had  to  breathe  the  atmosphere.  This  is  the  way 
these  self-styled  Christians  and  friends  of  law  and  order 
carry  out  into  practice  the  benevolent  and  equalizing  pre- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  19 

cepts  of  the  gospel.  These  are  the  men  who  prate  about 
justice,  honesty  and  integrity,  and  strictly  require  it  of  us, 
while,  at  the  same  time,  they  set  us  such  fearful  examples ! 

Mr.  Paley  tells  us,  (vol.  3,  page  54,)  that  "there  must  be 
some  very  important  advantages  to  account  for  the  exist- 
ence of  institutions,  which,  in  the  view  just  given  of  them, 
[by  himself,]  are  so  paradoxical  and  unnatural!"  Listen! 
paradoxical  and  unnatural!!  Truly  said.  This  candid  ad- 
mission is  more  than  we  ought  to  have  expected ;  but,  in- 
asmuch as  he  has  made  it,  we  are  in  no  way  disposed  to 
deprive  him  of  the  credit  of  it.  But  those  very  important 
advantages  which  are  to  be  derived  from  the  existence  of 
such  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions"  what  are  they? 
Yes,  what  are  they?  Let  these  learned  gentlemen  of  le- 
gal lore  answer  for  themselves. 

Mr.  Blackstone  tells  us,  that  the  primary  and  principal 
objects  of  the  law  are  to  determine  rights  and  wrongs. 
(Page  122.) 

By  the  rights,  as  we  understand  him,  he  means  the  powers 
and  privileges  of  the  rich,  whether  they  be  usurped,  vested 
or  delegated,  which,  in  plain  English,  means  the  defences 
and  legal  protection  they  have  surrounded  themselves 
with,  by  the  means  of  which  they  can  sit  in  security,  while 
they  violate  the  rights  of  their  fellow  men  with  impunity, 
and  in  perfect  security.  There  is  some  advantage  in  this, 
to  be  sure ;  but  the  advantage  is  all  on  one  side — for  the 
rich  and  powerful  only. 

The  wrongs,  we  understand  to  mean  the  suffering,  the 
poverty,  degradation,  misery  and  wretchedness  of  the  poor, 
by  being  plundered  of  their  rights. 

Those  very  "  important  advantages  "  which  the  poor  de- 
rive from  the  existence  of  those  "  paradoxical  and  unnat- 
ural institutions,"  would  be  very  difficult  to  discover. 

However,  Mr.  Colquhoun,  a  celebrated  English  writer 
on  Political  Economy,  throws  some  light  on  the  subject,  by 
saying,  that  "Poverty  is  the  source  of  wealth;  for  without 
it  (poverty)  there  could  be  no  richcs}  no  refiysment,  no  com- 
fort, no  enjoyment" 

Tillers  of  the  soil,  working  men  of  every  grade  and  con- 
dition, do  you  hear  ?  or  are  you  still  sleeping  and  slumber- 
ing? If  you  are,  it  is  high  time  to  awake.  Say,  do  you 
hear?  Do  you  hear  what  these  self-styled  friends  of  law 
and  order  say  to  you  ?  You  that  create  all  the  wealth  of 


20  WORKING    MAN?S 

the  world,  by  the  labor  of  your  hands  alone,  at  the  expense 
of  much  blood  and  toil,  do  you  hear?  Listen  !  They  tell 
you  this :  that  they,  the  precious,  cunning,  crafty,  knowing 
few,  (who,  in  nature  and  reality,  are  no  better  than  your- 
selves,) may  obtain  riches,  refinement,  comfort  and  enjoy- 
ment, and  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  you,  and  your 
children  (though  naturally  entitled  to  the  same  rights  as 
themselves,)  must  be  reduced  to  poverty,  to  want, 
to  misery  and  ragged  wretchedness ;  you  and  your  little 
ones  we  condemn  to  everlasting  toil;  though  you  supply 
us  with  abundance,  and  much  more  than  we  can  possibly 
consume,  yet  you  shall  retain  for  yourselves  only  what  is 
sufficient  to  keep  life  in  your  bodies,  just  so  long  as  we 
may  choose  to  make  use  of  you:  we  have  the  power  to 
force  you  to  it,  and  will  be  obeyed. 

Well,  the  decree  was  sent  forth  to  the  w~orid;  the  man- 
date of  the  self-styled  friends  of  law  and  order  have  been 
obeyed;  the  object  is  obtained;  those  "very  important  ad- 
vantages" are  realized,  for  which  those  paradoxical  and 
unnatural  institutions  it  was  so  desirable  to  foster  and  per- 
petuate, are  completely  accomplished ;  and  the  present  un- 
enviable and  unhappy  condition  of  the  civilized  world, 
(England,  more  especially,)  is  the  blessed  and  unenviable 
fruits  of  this  obedience. 

Well,  what  are  the  fruits?"  A  select  few  in  possession 
of  all  the  land,  all  the  wealth  of  the  country;  rioting  in 
gorgeous,  splendor,  pefectly  overburdened  with  the  good 
things  of  life ;  uttering  the  everlasting  cry  of  income,  income, 
income  ;  the  more  they  get,  the  less  are  they  satisfied;  the 
more  they  are  fed,  the  more  ravenous  they  become ;  still 
the  cry  is  more  income,  more  income,  more  income ;  and  when 
they  have  grasped  the  whole,  their  avarice  is  still  unsatis- 
fied; still  they  cry  give  us  more,  no  matter  at  what  sacri- 
fice of  the  blood  and  toil  of  their  fellow  men,  whom 
they  are  required  to  love  as  they  do  themselves. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  see  the  poor  toiling  and  starving 
in  the  midst  of  plenty,  and  that  abundance  created  by 
their  own  labor  and  toil :  whilst  they  have  made  others 
rich,  themselves  have  become  poor ;  willing  to  labor  still, 
their  masters  not  being  able  to  make  profit  on  it,  because 
the  wealth  already  made  cannot  be  consumed :  we  behold 
a  nation,  in  want,  that  is  sufficiently  able  to-  furnish  the 
world  with  clothing,  containing  four  millions  of  paupers. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  21 

The  great  mass  of  the  working  class  are  found  living  in 
cellars  and  garrets,  huddled  together  like  swine ;  tenants 
of  jails,  or  inmates  of  poor  houses;  crime  on  the  fearful 
increase:  in  short,  a  nation  full  of  riches  and  misery ', 
crimes  and  splendor.  Such,  then,  are  the  "very  important 
advantages"  to  be  obtained  by  perpetuating  those  "very 
paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions  "  put  forth  to  the  world 
by  Blackstone,  Paley  &  Co.,  for  the  good  government  of 
mankind. 

For  a  more  graphic  and  statistical  account  of  the  work- 
ings of  this  most  beautiful  theory  of  government,  read 
Lester's  "  Condition  and  Fate  of  England,"  in  which  the 
results  of  its  operations  are  portrayed  by  a  masterly 
hand,  and  with  such  feelings  of  humanity  and  benevolence, 
as  can  only  be  experienced  by  those  who  have  studied  the 
nature  of  human  rights,  and  whose  breasts  are  full  of  the 
milk  of  human  kindness. 

Now,  fellow  citizens,  you  have  had  the  advantages  of 
miscalled  civilization  laid  before  you,  and  a  loathsome  pic- 
ture it  is.  Working  men,  are  you  willing  to  give  the  price 
asked  for  it  ? 

What  is  the  price  ? 

The  price  is  the  surrender  of  your  dearest  rights,  your 
inalienable  birthright  in  the  soil,  your  right  to  possess  and 
enjoy  the  fruits  of  your  own  industry  ;  in  short,  give  up 
every  prerogative  which  constitutes  Tke  Man!  aye,  give 
up  your  very  manhood,  and  become  the  pliant,  abject? 
crouching,  cringing  slaves  to  all  absorbing,  monopolizing? 
gormandizing,  all-consuming  Capital,  whose  everlasting 
cry  is  income,  income,  more  income. 

Are  you  willing  to  pay  the  price  ?  Working  men,  this 
is  for  you  to  decide.  Income  to  capital,  is  the  fruits  of  the 

Eoor  man's  toil  and  labor,  and  capital  is  the  poor  man's 
ibor  unconsumed,  past  labor  concentrated,  nothing  more. 
In  view  of  all  these  considerations,  we  would  ask  this 
solemn  question : 

Had  Satan  himself  been  summoned  from  the  infernal 
regions,  (imbued  with  all  the  deadly  hatred  and  fiendish 
malignity  which  we  are  told  he  cherishes  for  the  human 
race,)  and  commissioned  to  devise  a  scheme  to  fill  the 
world  with  crime  and  misery,  and  set  mankind  to  pulling 
and  tearing  each  other  to  pieces,  could  he  have  hit  on  a 
plan  better  calculated  to  do  it,  than  those  "paradoxical  and 


22  WORKING   MAN'S 

unnatural  institutions"  which  Blackstone,  Paley  &  Co.,  have 
given  to  the  world  for  its  government  ? 

Mr,  Paley  further  tells  us,  without  a  blush,  that  all  these 
"paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions  "  are  in  perfect  accord- 
ance with  the  will  of  God !  O,  shame,  where  is  thy  blush  ? 
Tell  it  not  in  Gath;  publish  it  not  in  the  streets  of  Askelon. 

Where  did  Mr.  Paley  get  this  knowledge  from  ?  Surely, 
not  from  the  Bible,  as  that  is  decidedly  against  him.  The 
king  must  have  told  him;  he  (the  king)  being  the  only  le- 
gitimate head  of  the  Church ;  consequently,  none  but  him- 
self could  be  the  true  expounder  of  God's  will.  But  had 
Mr.  Paley  never  read  the  Bible?  did  he  not  remember 
reading  about  that  first  great  law  given  to  all  mankind 
through  Adam — "  In  the  sweat  of  thy  face  shalt  thou  eat 
thy  bread,  till  thou  return  unto  the  ground  ?"  Whether  Mr. 
Paley  was  unconscious  that  he  was  writing  down  a  false- 
hood, or  was  obliged  to  succumb  to  the  king,  or  forfeit  a 
good  fat  living,  would,  perhaps,  be  difficult  to  tell.  One 
thing,  however,  is  certain.  Mr.  Paley  has  spent  much 
time  and  talent  in  showing  how  this  universal  law  may 
be  set  aside,  or  reversed,  in  favor  of  a  cunning,  knowing 
few,  who  not  only  eat  bread,  but? luxuriate  to  depletion  on 
all  the  extravagant  delicacies  that  human  ingenuity  ever 
invented,  and,  besides,  monopolize,  waste  and  squander, 
in  idle  pomp  and  splendor,  the  wealth  of  the  world :  not' 
in  the  sweat  of  their  own  faces,  but  in  that  of  other  men ;, 
and  this  they  do  with  as  much  sang  froid  as  the  infant 
takes  its  mother's  milk ! 

We  shall  summon  one  more  witness  against  Mr.  Paley, 
from  the  Bible ;  one  whose  authority  is  irresistible,  being 
reputed  the  wisest  man  the  world  ever  knew.  After  ta- 
king his  testimony,  we  shall  suffer  Mr.  Paley  to  rest  in 
peace.  "  There  is  nothing  better  for  a  man,  than  that  he 
should  cat  and  drink,  and  to  enjoy  the  good  of  all  his  labor,  all 
the  days  of  his  life,  which  God  giveth  him,  for  it  is  his  por- 
tion :  this  is  the  gift  of  God." 

What  a  pity  it  is,  that  those  blighting,  "paradoxical  and 
unnatural  institutions"  by  which  the  world  has  been  hith- 
erto governed,  should  be  forever  turning  into  curses  all 
the  best  and  most  valuable  gifts  of  God  to  man. 

Now  we  would  ask,  will  any  man  in  the  present  day, 
who  is  a  teacher  in  goodness  and  truth,  a  lover  of  God  and 


POLITICALECONOMY.  23 

the  human  race,  have  the  hardihood  to  so  insult  the  common 
sense  of  mankind,  dishonor  the  God  of  humanity,  and 
prostitute  the  sacred  name  of  Justice,  as  to  vindicate,  just- 
ify or  support  such  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions" 
which  produce  such  sin  and  wickedness,  vice  and  crime, 
misery  and  wretchedness,  among  mankind?  We  most  fer- 
vently hope  not.  But  should  any  one  have  the  temerity 
to  do  so,  let  him  take  counsel  of  Isaiah,  the  prophet,  and 
carefully  count  the  cost : 

"  Hear  ye  the  words  of  the  Lord,  ye  rulers.  Wo  unto  them  that 
join  house  to  house;  that  lay  field  to  field,  till  there  is  no  place  [for 
the  poor.]  Your  rulers  are  rebellious,  and  companions  of  thieves ; 
every  one  loveth  gifts,  and  followeth  after  rewards;  they  judge  not 
the  fatherless  rightly,  neither  doth  the  cause  of  the  widow  come  up 
before  them.  Wo  unto  them  that  call  evil  good,  and  good  evil; 
that  put  darkness  for  light,  and  light  for  darkness;  and  put  sweet 
for  bitter,  and  bitter  for  sweet. 

"  The  Lord  will  enter  into  judgment  with  the  teachers  of  his 
people,  and  the  rulers  thereof;  for  ye  have  eaten  up  the  vineyard, 
and  the  spoil  of  the  poor  is  in  your  houses. 

"  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  beat  my  people  to  pieces,  and  grind  the 
faces  of  the  poor  ?  saith  the  Lord  God  of  hosts. 

"  Wo  unto  them  that  deci'ee  unrighteous  decrees,  and  write  that 
grievousness  which  they  have  prescribed :  To  turn  aside  the  needy 
from  judgment,  and  to  take  away  the  right  from  the  poor  of  my 
people,  that  widows  may  be  their  prey,  that  they  may  rob  the 
fatherless. 

"Wo  unto  them  which  justify  the  wicked,  for  a  reward,  [in- 
come, or  salary,]  and  take  away  the  righteousness  of  the  righteous 
from  him." 

With  this  lesson  from  Holy  Writ,  we  shall  leave  such  an 
one  to  the  operation  of  his  own  conscience,  and  in  the 
hands  of  his  God.  Let  him  choose  his  own  course ;  we 
clear  our  own  skirts  of  responsibility ;  we  have  done  our 
duty. 

There  is  another  favorite  fundamental  principle  laid 
down  by  the  friends  of  law  and  order ;  that  is;,  those  be- 
nevolent gentlemen  who  take  such  pleasure  in  making 
laws  for  the  government  of  such  of  their  fellow  men  as  are 
too  ignorant  to  govern  themselves.  It  is  as  follows : 

In  order  that  men,  in  a  state  of  society,  may  enjoy  the 
benefits  resulting  from  institutions  of  civil  government,  it 


24  W  O  R  K  I  N  G     M  A  N  '  S 

is  necessary  that  individuals  give  up  a  portion  of  their  nat- 
ural and  unalienable  rights ;  in  return  for  which,  it  be- 
comes the  duty  of  government  to  aftbrd  its  protection. 

Now,  it  seems  to  us,  that,  if  justice  had  any  hand  in  the 
business,  the  amount  of  protection  would  be  proportionate 
to  the  amount  of  the  rights  given  up ;  and  said  protection 
would  be  awarded  to  those  individuals  who  had  thus  sur- 
rendered up  their  rights.  Would  this  be  anything  more 
than  fair  and  just?  Certainly  not.  Tt  is  not  possible  to 
come  to  any  other  conclusion,  the  thing  is  so  self-evident. 
But  is  this  the  case?  Let  us  inquire, 

First.  What  u,re  the  rights  given  up  for  protection?  and 
by  wliom  are  the}^  given  up  ? 

Second.  What  is  the  proporton  secured  in  exchange 
for  the  rights  so  given  up?  and  wno  gets  this  protection? 

What  natural  rights  do  kirg's  nobles,  landlords,  capital- 
ists, officers  of  government,  tec.,  give  up?  Do  they  give 
up  their  right  to  land?  No  !  They  monopolize  the  whole 
of  it.  Do  they  give  up  their  right  to  the  products  of  their 
own  labor?  No  !  They  never  make  any  ;  how  can  they 
give  them  up  ?  What  right,  then,  do  they  give  up  ?  None 
whatever,  except  that  of  eating  their  bread  in  the  sweat 
of  their  own  faces.  We  might,  at  least,  give  them  credit 
fo  r  that :  let  them  have  it.  In  fact,  the  rich  give  up  none ; 
no,  not  one. 

But,  what  natural  rights  do  the  poor  give  up,  or,  rather, 
are  taken  from  them  without  their  consent?  or,  if  we  call 
things  by  their  proper  names,  are  robbed  of  everything 
calculated  to  make  life  desirable?  They  are  robbed  of 
their  birthright  in  the  soil;  plundered  of  the  fruits  of  their 
industry,  as  fast  as  created  by  them,  leaving  only  a  suffi- 
ciency to  make  life  a  curse,  instead  of  a  blessing.  Take 
away  man's  right  to  the  free  use  of  the  land,  and  the  fruits 
of  his  toil,  and  he  has  no  further  business  in  this  world : 
better  had  he  never  been  born. 

Having  shown  what  rights  are  given  up,  and  by  whom, 
our  next  inquiry  is,  Is  the  protection  proportionate  to  the 
rights  given  up  ?  As  the  rich  and  noble  of  the  land  have 
given  up  none  of  their  rights,  what  amount  of  protection 
are  they  entitled  to?  Justice  and  common  sense  say, 
none ;  not  a  bit.  But  the  fact  is,  they  get  all.  Give  up 
nothing — monopolize  cveryth  ing . 

As  we  have  shown  that  the  poor  give  up  everything, 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  25 

they  are  justly  entitled  to  a  large  portion  of  protection. 
But  do  they  get  it?  By  no  means.  They  get  none  of  it, 
save  and  except  from  absolute  brute  force  and  cruelty ;  and 
this  is  but  nominal,  because  the  privilege  of  committing 
any  crime  whatever,  even  to  murder,  (as  the  proceedings 
of  our  courts  have  often  proved,)  can  be  purchased  with 
money,  by  those  who  possess  a  sufficient  amount.  The 
poor  man>  not  being  suffered  to  have  any  to  spare  for  this 
purpose,  is  obliged  to  go  minus  the  privilege. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  matter  is  this :  The  rich  give  up 
none  of  their  rights,  and  get  all  of  the  protection ;  while 
the  poor  give  up  all  their  rights,  and  get  none  of  the  pro- 
tection. That  was  a  very  sensible  conclusion  of  Mr.  Pa- 
ley's,  that  these  institutions  were  very  paradoxical  and  un- 
natural. Very.  Truly  has  the  law  been  made  like  a  spi- 
der's web :  the  little  flies  (the  poor  and  defenceless,)  are 
caught  in  the  toils,  and  sulfer  death;  while  the  big  bugs 
(the  rich  and  powerful,)  break  through  and  escape ;  then 
laugh  and  chuckle  at  the  ingenuity  of  the  contrivance. 

God  made  man  upright,  at  the  first ;  but  he  hath  sought 
out  many  surprising,  cunning,  cruel,  and  artful  inventions, 
by  which  he  might  deprive  his  fellow  man  of  his  dearest 
and  most  sacred  rights. 

But  the  most  surprising  thing  of  all,  is,  to  find,  at  this 
late  day,  in  this  boasted  land  of  liberty,  men  of  talent  and 
discernment  advocating,  supporting  and  justifying  this  un- 
just system  of  law  and  order,  which  is  so  paradoxical  and 
unnatural.  Give  us  laws,  but  let  them  be  just.  Working 
men,  your  task  is  to  remove  these  paradoxical  and  unnat- 
ural institutions.  You  have  the  power;  you  have  the 
ballot-box,  and  can  put  them  down  without  doing  injustice 
to  any. 

But  be  calm  and  prudent,  yet  firm  and  unyielding;  stand  up 
manfully  for  the  truth;  convince  our  adversaries  of  the 
justice  of  our  cause,  and  the  purity  of  our  motives.  If 
they  revile  us,  let  us  not  revile  again ;  treat  them  with 
courtesy  and  politeness;  appeal  to  their  best  feelings  of 
humanity,  not  the  evil  passions;  nor  in  any  way  or  man- 
ner excite  their  combativeness.  This  we  must  do,  if  we 
wish  to  succeed,  as  everything  like  violence,  or  force,  is 
only  calculated  to  impede  the  progress  of  our  operations. 
A  very  profitable  lesson  may  be  learned  from  that  inimita- 
ble fable  of  Jilsop's,  in  which  he  tells  us  of  the  dispute  be- 


26  WORKING  MAN'S 

tween  the  Sun  and  the  Wind,  as  to  winch  was  the  strong- 
er. They  agreed  to  try  their  efforts  upon  a  traveler  who 
was  passing  along,  wrapped  up  in  a  cloak.  The  wind 
blew,  and  bespattered  the  traveler  with  rain,  snow  and 
hail;  and  the  more  the  wind  blew  and  stormed,  the  closer 
the  traveler  drew  the  cloak  around  him.  At  length  the 
wind  became  weary,  and  ceased  his  efforts.  The  sun  now 
broke  out  in  silent  splendor,  and,  by  the  genial  warmth  of 
his  rays,  soon  compelled  the  traveler  to  throwr  off  his  cloak 
and  seek  shelter;  under  the  cooling  shade  of  some  trees. 
The  application  -is  as  follows :  The  traveler  is  the  embodi- 
ment of  those; -paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions  of 
law  and  order,  promulgated  by  Blackstone,  Paley  &  Co. 
The  cloak  is  the  sophistry  and  mysticism  they  have  thrown 
around  their  idol,  for  the  purpose  of  hiding  its  hideous  de- 
formity. The  sun  and  wind  are  the  different  modes  of  at- 
tack. We  shall  vanquish  our  enemies  soonest,  by  follow- 
ing the  example  of  the  sun. 

The  only  object  and  end  of  government  ought  to  be,  to 
promote  the  happiness  of  all  its  subjects,  or  members,  by  afford- 
ing its  protection  equally  to  alt.  For  any  other  purpose, 
government  is  worse  than  useless.  This  proposition  no 
one  will  deny,  can  deny ;  it  is  so  self-evident ;  and  may  be 
laid  down  as  an  axiom.  And  this  we  shall  do,  without 
fear  of  refutation. 

If  a  government  fail  to  secure  to  each  and  all  its  sub- 
jects, or  members,  the  enjoyment  of  their  natural  iid  un- 
alienable  rights,  so  far,  then,  government  fails  to  do  its 
duty;  and,  to  the  same  extent,  is  a  vicious,  unjust,  un- 
righteous government;  but  more  especially  so,  if  it  violates 
them ;  and,  in  a  strictly  moral  sense,  the  people  are  under 
no  obligation  to  obey  its  mandates,  as  resistance  to  tyran- 
ny is  obedience  to  God ;  legalizing  tyranny  never  can 
make  it  just  or  right. 

We  may  be  told,  that  these  sentiments  are  very  danger- 
ous. We  answer,  if  they  are,  then  that  code  of  law  laid 
down  by  Blackstone,  Paley  &  Co.,  is  much  more  so. 

That  a  knowledge  of  truth  can  be  dangerous,  we  un- 
hesitatingly deny ;  save  and  except  to  such  as  are  engaged 
in  false,  wicked  and  unrighteous  pursuits,  or  practices. 

It  may  be  asked,  who  is  to  be  the  judge,  when  men  dis- 
agree ?  When  our  rights  are  clearly  defined,  (as  they  ar* 
in  this  work,)  a  jury  would  find  but  little  difficulty  in  mak- 


POLITIC  A  I      ECONOMY.  27 

ing  proper  decisions,  and  take  them  for  their  guide;  es- 
pecially when  they  lay  aside  those  paradoxical  and  unnat- 
ural institutions  which  have  been  imposed  upon  us  by 
Elackstone,  Paley,  and  their  legal  abettors  and  upholders, 
connected  as  they  are  with  the  common  law  of  England. 

Mr.  Paley,  notwithstanding  his  paradoxical  and  unnat- 
ural institutions,  says  some  good  things.  With  regard  to 
right  of  property  in  land,  he  says :  "  There  is  a  difficulty 
in  explaining  the  origin  of  this  property  consistently  with 
the  law  of  nature ;  for  th&  land  was  once,  no  doubt,  com- 
mon ;  and  the  question  is,  how  any  part  of  it  could  be 
justly  taken  out  of  the  common,  and  so  appropriated  to 
the  first  owner,  [or  occupier,]  as  to  give  him  a  better  right 
to  it  than  others,  and,  what  is  more,  a  right  to  exclude  all 
others,"  and,  also,  to  transmit  the  ownership  through  a 
particular  line  of  succession,  to  distant  and  unknown  ages; 
as  if  our  predecessors  knew  better  how  to  take  care  of  us, 
than  we  do  ourselves.  What  an  absurdity  !  "  Moralists," 
says  he,  "  have  given  many  different  accounts  of  this  mat- 
ter, which  diversity  alone,  perhaps,  is  a  proof  that  none  of 
them  are  satisfactory.  Our  obligations  to  servants  and  do- 
mestics is  much  greater  than  theirs  to  us.  It  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  the  rich  man  maintains  his  servants,  trades- 
men, tenants  and  laborers :  the  truth  is,  they  maintain  him. 
It  is  their  industry  -which  supplies  his  table,  furnishes  his 
wardrobe,  builds  his  houses,  adorns  his  equipage,  and  pro- 
vides his  amusements.  It  is  not  the  estate,  but  the  labor 
employed  upon  it,  that  pays  his  rent.  All  that  he  does,  is 
to  distribute  what  others  produce,  which  is  the  least  part 
of  the  business."  Even  the  physical  part  of  this  opera- 
tion is  performed  by  the  labor  of  other  hands,  not  his  own. 

The  above  correct  sentiments  we  quote  in  justice  to  Mr. 
Paley,  and  contain,  perhaps,  as  much  truth  as  he  dare  im- 
part, surrounded  as  he  was  by  kings  and  nobles,  whose, 
powers  and  privileges  he  was  obliged  to  defend. 

We  now  render  the  same  justice  to  Mr.  Blackstone,  (vol. 
2,  page  53.)  He  says:  "  The  grand  fundamental  maxim 
of  all  feudal  tenure  is  this :  that  all  lands  were  originally 
granted  out  by  the  sovereign,  and  are,  therefore,  holden, 
either  mediately  or  immediately,  of  the  crown,"  (as  prop- 
erty.) This  is  a  plain  statement.  The  king  was  consid- 
ered as  rightful  owner  of  all  the  land  in  his  kingdom,  as 
private  property;  as  though  it  was  the  work  of  his  hands  * 


28  W  O  R  K  I  N  G     M  A  N  '  S  " 

having  the  right  to  sell  for  money,  or  service,  or  to  give  to 
whomsoever  he  chose.  On  page  51,  he  says:  "This  view 
of  the  matter,  though  a  fundamental  maxim,  is,  in  reality, 
a  mere  fiction"  Yet  the  fictious  idea  was  carried  out  in 
practice,  as  though  based  upon  truth;  the  king  gave  or 
sold  all  the  land,  except  what  he  reserved  for  himself,  to  a 
select  few;  and  ordained  the  penalty  of  death  for  any 
landless  person  to  dispute  the  justice  of  the  title. 

No  wonder  these  gentlemen  took  such  good  care  of 
themselves,  when  no  one  had  power  to  prevent  them  No 
wonder  the  many  have  become  enslaved  by  the  few,  when 
such  principles  are  taken  as  the  guide  of  our  American 
legislators.  It  is  upon  the  above  named  fiction,  that  a 
majority  of  the  land  titles  in  this  country  still  rests;  espe- 
cially in  the  eastern  states;  the  strongest,  clearest,  and 
most  indisputable  titles  are  those  in  which  the  claimant 
can  produce  a  parchment,  proving  a  grant  or  sale,  under 
the  hand  and  seal  of  his  royal  majesty,  the  king  of  Great 
Britain ! 

But  is  "it  not  strange  and  unaccountable,  that  at  this 
late  day,  after  having  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
before  us  for  three  score  and  ten  years,  which  declares  to 
the  world  that  all  men's  rights  are  equal,  that  men  shall  be 
found  among  us  Americans,  (who  profess  to  believe  in  the 
doctrine  of  equal  rights,  and  the  principles  of  the  Christian 
religion,  which  commands  them  to  do  unto  all  men  as  they 
would  that  all  men  should  do  unto  them,  taking  so  short- 
sighted a  view  of  their  own  permanent  interest,  sacrificing 
the  rights,  good  feelings,  and  respect  of  their  fellow  citi- 
zens,) promoting,  abetting,  advocating  and  sustaining, 
with  the  greatest  tenacity,  by  the  exercise  of  the  most 
splendid  talent  and  learning,  the  most  flowery  and  capti- 
vating eloquence,  cunning  and  sophistical  arguments, 
such  paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions,  founded,  as 
Mr.  Blackstone  tells  us  they  are,  on  the  "  baseless  fabric" 
of  a  "  mere  fiction?" 

The  following  are  Mr.  Blackstone's  reflections  on  the 
nature  of  property  in  general : 

"  There  is  nothing  which  so  generally  strikes  the  imagination, 
and  engages  the  affections  of  mankind,  as  the  right  of  property, 
or  that  sole  and  despotic  dominion  which  one  man  claims  and 
exercises  over  the  external  things  of  the  world,  in  total  exclusion 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  29 

of  the  right  of  any  other  individual  in  the  universe.  And  yet 
there  are  very  few,  that  will  give  themselves  the  -trouble  to  con- 
sider the  origin  and  foundation  of  this  right.  Pleased  as  we  [the 
rich]  are  with  the  possession,  we  seem  afraid  to  look  back  to  the 
means  by  which,  it  was  acquired,  as  if  fearful  of  some  defect  in 
the  title.  Such  fearful  and  troublesome  reflections  can  never  haunt 
the  poor,  which  ought,  in  some  measure,  to  console  them. 

Or  at  best,  we,  rest  satisfied  with  the  decision  of  the  laws 
in  our  favor  [as  they  always  are,]  without  examining  the 
reason  or  authority  upon  which  those  laws  have  been  built.  We 
think  it  enough  that  our  title  is  derived  by  the  grant  of  the  former 
proprietor,  by  descent  from  our  ancestors,  or  by  the  last  will  and 
testament  of  the  dying  owner,  not  caring  to  reflect,  that,  accurately 
and  strictly  speaking,  there  is  no  foundation  in  nature  or  in  natu- 
ral law,  why  a  set  of  words  upon  parchment  should  convey  the 
dominion  of  land,  or  why  the  son  should  have  a  right  to  exclude 
his  fellow  creatures  from  a  determinate  spot  of  ground,  because 
his  father  had  done  sO  before  him  ;  or  why  the  occupier  of  a  par- 
ticular field,  or  of  a  jewel,  when  lying  on  his  death-bed,  and  no 
longer  able  to  maintain  possession,  should  be  entitled  to  tell  the 
rest  of  the  world,  which  of  them  should  enjoy  it  after  him.  These 
enquiries,  it  must  be  owned,  would  be  useless,  and  even  trouble- 
some, in  common  life.  It  is  well  if  the  mass  of  mankind  [that  is, 
the  poor,]  will  obey  the  laws  when  made,  without  scrutinizing  too 
nicely  into  the  reasons  of  making  them-  But  when  law  is  to  be 
considered  not  only  as  matter  of  practice  [no  matter  how  paradox- 
ical or  unnatural,]  but  also  as  a  rational  science,  [heaven  save  the 
mark,]  it  cannot  be  improper  or  useless  to  examine  more  deeply 
the  rudiments  and  grounds  of  these  positive  constitutions  of  so- 
ciety." 

Well  done,  Mr.  Blackstone  !  A- rational  science  founded 
and  built  on  mere  fiction!!  Truly,  well  done  !  Who  could 
have  done  it  more  satisfactorily  ? 

Mr.  Blackstone- now  takesuanatherturjx  iiuhis-reflestiojns, 
and  says : 

"In  the  beginning  of  the  world,  we- are  informed  by  Holy  "Writ, 
the  all-bountiful  Creator  gave  to  man  dominion  over  all  the  earth, 
and  over  the  fish  of  the  sea,  and  over  the  fowls  of  the  air,  and  over 
every  living  thing  that  moveth  upon  the  earth.  This  is  the  only 
true  and  solid  foundation  of  man's  dominion  over  external  things, 
whatever  airy  metaphysical  notions  may  have  been  started  by  some 
fanciful  writers  on  the  subject.  The  earth,  therefore,  and  all  things 
therein,  are  the  general  property  of  all  mankind,  from  the  imme- 
diate gift  of  the  Creator.  And  while  the  earth  continued  not 


30  W  O  R  1C  1  N  G     M  A  N     S 

densely  populated,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  that  all  was  in  com- 
mon among  them,  and  that  every  one  took  from  the  public  stock, 
to  his  own  use,  such  things  as  his  immediate  necessities  required 
Thus,  the  land  was  in  common,  and  no  part  of  it  was  the  perma- 
nent property  of  any  man  in  particular;  yet,  whoever  was  in  pos- 
session or  occupation  of  any  determinate  spot  of  it,  acquired,  for 
•the  time,  a  sort  of  ownership,  from  which  it  would  have  been  un- 
just, and  contrary  to  the  law  of  nature,  to  have  driven  him  away 
by  force ;  but,  when  he  quitted  the  use  or  occupation  of  it,  another 
might  take  possession  of  it,  without  injustice  to  any  one." 

Here,  then,  we  pause  to  inquire,  why  did  not  our  orig- 
inal law-makers  follow  out  this  simple,  natural  principle, 
so  easily  to  have  been  accomplished,  so  just  and  natural 
in  itself,  by  making  a  law  something  like  this :  That  the 
fact  of  a  man  having  property  on  any  part  of  the  land 
that  he  had  not  taken  forcible  possession  of,  or  had  im- 
proved it,  in  any  manner,  by  the  labor  of  his  hands,  should 
give  him  an  indisputable  title  to  its  possession,  just  so  long 
as  he  chose  to  occupy  it,  and  no  longer,  always  preserving 
a  distinction  between  the  land  itself,  and  the  property  upon 
it;  it  also  being  made  the  duty  of  government  to  protect 
and  secure  every  man  in  this  most  sacred,  just,  natural 
and  unalienable  right  ?  Had  they  done  this,  what  rivers  of 
blood,  what  oceans  of  tears,  and  ages, of  misery,  had  been 
saved  the  human  race !  Why  did  they  abandon  this  just 
and  sacred  equitable  code  of  laws,  and  give  us,  in  its 
stead,  those  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions"  which, 
Mr.  Blackstone  says,  are  based  upon  mere  fiction  ?  Yes, 
why  did  they  do  this?,  Mr.  Colquhoun  is  ready  to  answer: 
Because,  had  they  done  so,  a  select  few  could  not  have 
been  enabled  to  riot  in  idleness  and  riches,  to  waste  and 
squander,  in  useless  pomp  and  splendor,  the  fru'ts  of  the 
poor  man's  toil  and  labor.  Neither  could  the  mass  of 
mankind,  the  great  majority,  have  been  reduced  to  bond- 
age, slavery,  vassallage,  ignorance,  want,  poverty,  crime, 
misery  and  wretchedness !  Poverty  being  the  source  of 
riches,  we  could  not  enjoy  those  enviable  blessings. 

We  have  now  done  with  these  very  benevolent  and  dis- 
interested gentlemen,  and  turn  our  attention  to  the  means 
of  extricating  ourselves  from  the  difficulties  brought  upon 
us  by  those  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions"  which 
unjustly,  unfeelingly  and  unrighteously  have  been  imposed 
upon  us.  The  probability  is,  those  gentlemen  never  would 


POLITICAL    TTCtTNtTMY.  31 

have  given  this  evil-working  code  of  laws  to  the  world, 
had  they  have  clearly  seen  what  was  to  be  the  ultimate 
result  of  its  operation.  There  is  much  excuse  for  them, 
also,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  ignorant  of  the  power 
of  steam,  and  the  improvements  to  be  made  in  labor-saving 
machinery.  They  did  not  know  that  a  nation  would  be 
enabled,  by  these  means,  to  produce  from  five  to  ten  times 
as  much  wealth  as  it  would  consume;  or,  perhaps,  if  they 
did  see  the  truth,  they  were  surrounded  by  such  circum- 
stances, that  they  dare  not  tell  it.  As  those  gentlemen 
have  long  since  gone  to  the  silent  tomb,  let  us  hope  they 
rest  in  peace,  though  their  errors  we  can  in  no  wise  tol 
erate. 

Instead  of  founding  our  scheme  on  the  basis  of  a  mere 
"fiction,"  as  Mr.  Blackstone  says  our  present  system  of 
land  tenure  is,  we  propose  to  base  it  upon  a  real,  solid  nat- 
ural foundation,  a  positive  tangible  fact — the  public  lands  of 
the  United  States,  according  to  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Na- 
tional Reformers ;  which  plan  is  to  prevent  all  future  traf- 
fic in  the  public  lands ;  instead  of  which,  to  give  to  every 
citizen  a  homestead  (that  is,  all  who  choose  to  take  it,) 
from  the  public  domain,  and,  so  long  as  he  continues  to  be 
an  actual  settler  upon  it,  government  to  secure  him  in  its 
possession,  and  make  it  unalienable,  giving  him  the  liberty 
to  sell  or  exchange  his  improvements  upon  it ;  but  this  in 
no  case,  except  to  a  landless  person ;  the  land  itself  never 
to  be  confounded  with  property  upon  it — land  itself,  not 
being  a  product  of  human  labor,  cannotrin  justice,  be  val- 
ued by  money,  which  is. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  enter  into  all  the  details  of  the  sub- 
ject, in  this  place,  for  if  the  reader  clearly  understands  the 
fundamental  principles  already  discussed,  he  must  at  once 
perceive  the  obvious  necessity  of  the  measure :  of  its  prac- 
ticability, there  can  be  no  doubt.  The  benefits  to  be  de- 
rived from  it,  to  the  working  classes,  will  be  incalculable* 
In  the  first  place,  it  will  lessen  competition  among  the 
working  classes,  by  drawing  many  from  the  cities  into  the 
country,  which  will  have  the  effect  to  enable  those  that  re- 
main to  get  better  wages.  In  the  next  place,  it  will  have 
a  tendency  to  lessen  the  price  of  land  held  by  speculators, 
and,  in  proportion  as  the  free  land  cause  progresses  for- 
ward, land  speculation,  which  is  a  blighting  curse  on  our 
country,  will  go  backward.  This  cause  is,  emphatically, 


32  W  O  R  K  I  If  G     M  A  N  '  J 

the  working  man's;  it  is  his  only  means  of  defence  against 
the  all-absorbing,  gormandizing  influence  of  capital. 

Let  us,  then,  one  and  all,  unite  in  this  great  moral  work 
of  reform,  and  insist  upon  the  justice  of  our  cause.  All 
-we  ask  is  our  just  rights.  We  ask  nothing  for  ourselves, 
that  we  are  not  perfectly  willing  to  grant  to  all.  If  we 
are  wrong  in  this,  we  hope  and  trust  kind  Heaven  will 
forgive  us ;  if  it  be  wicked  to  vindicate  the  cause  of  the 
oppressed  and  defenceless,  then  do  we  glory  in  our  wick  - 
edness, 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY. 


CHAPTER  III. 

AAMERIAN    AUTHORS    ON    POLITICAL    ECONOMY    EXAMINED. 

IT  is  a  lamentable  fact,  and  no  less  true  than  astonish- 
ing, that,  among  all  American  writers  on  Political  Econo- 
my, not  one  is  to  be  found  that  has  not  sacrificed  every 
consideration  of  justice  and  equity ;  every  ennobling, 
heart-warm  feeling  of  humanity;  every  idea  of  equal 
rights;  every  virtue  ;  in  short,  everything  that  ought  to  dig- 
nify, elevate  and  adorn  the  human  character ;  to  the  inter- 
ests of  sordid,  selfish,  all-absorbing,  gormandizing  Capital. 

The  working  man  whose  necessities  compel  him  to  la- 
bor, or  sell  himself  for  wages,  (having  been  deprived  of 
his  birthright  in  the  soil,)  has  been  considered,  by  said  wri- 
ters, in  the  same  light,  and  no  other,  that  they  look  upon 
a  lot  of  timber  in  the  forest,  a  bank  of  clay,  or  a  bed  of 
ore  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth,  to  be  taken  up  and  made 
use  of  so  long,  and  no  longer,  than  profit  (which  means 
products  of  other  men's  labor,)  can  be  made  by  the  use  of 
them.  As  to  a  laboring  man,  having  a  soul  or  intellect, 
being  entitled  to  equal  rights  with  the  capitalist,  or  to  the 
same  amount  of  protection ;  or  that  he  possessed  human 
capabilities  of  suffering  pain,  or  enjoying  happiness;  or 
that  it  was  the  duty  of  any  one  to  see  that  he  was  prop- 
erly provided  and  cared  for ;  was  as  far  from  their  thoughts 
as  would  be  the  idea  of  providing  comfortable  quarters  for 
the  Alleghaney  mountains  during  the  winter  season.  No  ; 
the  interests  of  capital  were  considered  paramount  to  every 
other  consideration. 

In  proof  of  our  assertion,  that  the  worrking  man,  if 
poor,  has  never  been  considered  in  any  other  light  than  as 
a  beast  of  burden,  or  a  useful  chattel,  placed,  by  Provi- 
dence, upon  the  earth,  for  the  especial  use  and  benefit  of 
the  capitalist,  we  shall  quote  the  great  Adam  Smith,  vol. 
1,  page  56.  He  says :  "  The  wear  and  tear  of  a  slave,  it 
has  been  said,  is  at  the  expense  of  his  master;  but  that  of 
a  free  servant  is  at  his  own  expense.  The  wear  and  tear 
of  the  latter ,  however,  is,  in  reality,  as  much  at  the  ex- 


34  WORKING   MAN'S 

pense  of  his  master,  as  that  of  the  former."  Just  as  much  ! 
True ;  and  that  is,  none  at  all ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  the 
master  is  maintained  at  the  expense  of  his  slaves,  or  ser- 
vants. This  is  self-evident.  For  authority,  we  refer  the 
reader  to  Dr.  Paley,  page  52:  "  The  wages  paid  to  journey- 
men and  servants  of  every  kind,  must  be  such  as  to  enable  them 
to  continue  the  race  of  journeymen  and  servants,  as  the  demand 
of  society  may  happen,  from  time  to  time,  to  require !  But, 
though  the  wear  and  tear  of  a  free  servant  be  equally  at 
the  expense  of  his  master,  it  generally  costs  him  much 
less  than  that  of  a  ' chattel  slave  ! '"  In  plain,  unsophisti- 
cated language,  it  amounts  to  this :  when  such  animals  as 
journeymen,  servants,  and  laborers, become  too  numerous; 
that  is,  when  capitalists  have  become  overstocked  and 
glutted  with  wealth,  and  can  no  longer  make  a  profitable 
use  of  the  poor  wretches,  then  they  must  be  suffered  to 
perish,  they  and  their  little  ones,  by  want,  disease,  starva- 
tion and  death,  while  the  surplus  of  their  labor  and  toil  is 
being  wasted  by  their  idle  masters,  in  wanton  and  useless 
extravagance.  But,  when  a  demand  arises  for  the  use  of 
such  animals,  then  the  breeding  of  them  ought  to  be  en- 
couraged, and  particular  care  ought  to  be  taken  that  the 
breed  does  not  become  entirely  extinct.  Now,  here  we 
would  ask,  in  all  candor,  would  it  not  be  much  better,  on 
the  ground  of  humanity,  in  order  to  rid  society  of  the  sur- 
plus working  classes,  to  adopt  Mr.  Ware's  plan,  and  kill 
them  off  at  once,  rather  than  condemn  them  to  the  pro- 
tracted, painful,  lingering  death  by  starvation,  which  is 
advocated  by  some  professing  Christian  moral  philosophers ! 
Adam  Smith  has  made  one  declaration,  and,  if  true,  is  of 
much  importance  to  the  capitalist,  which  is,  that  a  nomi- 
nal free  servant,  journeyman,  or  laborer,  will  answer  his 
purpose  much  better  than  a  positive  slave.  That  is,  he 
can  realize  more  wealth  from  the  use  of  him,  in  a  given 
time,  than  he  can  from- a  chattel  slave,  and  with  less  risk 
of  capital. 

A  capitalist  finds  a  thing  called  a  poor  man  without  a 
home,  deprived  of  his  birthright  in  the  soil,  reduced  to 
want  and  destitution,  perhaps  lying  in  the  street;  no  mat- 
ter by  what  means  he  got  there,  this  is  no  business  ol  the 
capitalist;  his  schoolmastes  have  taught  him  that  neither 
justice,  law,  religion,  or  morality,  requires  him  to  relieve 
the  miserable  creature  from  his  miserable  condition,  ex- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  35 

cept  he  can  make  money  out  of  him :  he  acts  accordingly. 
If  he  can't  think  of  a  plan  by  which  to  make  money  out 
of  him,  he  lets  him  lie;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  he  has  suffi- 
cient talent  and  discernment  to  hit  on  a  plan,  he  picks  the 
poor  thing  up,  and  immediately  turns  him,  or  it,  into  a 
money-making  machine,  supplies  it  with  a  little  fuel,  (pro- 
vision) to  set  it  in  motion,  as  he  would  a  steam  engine,  or 
any  other  machine ;  then  the  man  machine  begins  to 
work,  and  produces  two,  three,  four,  perhaps  five  dollars 
per  day;  the  whole  of  which  is  claimed  by  the  capitalist, 
on  the  ground  cf  tha  expense  of  the  fuel,  which  is  all  he 
is  willing  to  allow,  and  is  all  he  does  allow,  for  the  exclu- 
sive use  of  this  man  machine.  The  law  and  customs  of 
society  justify  and  protect  him.  This  process  of  dollar- 
making  goes  on  from  day  to  day,  till  the  machine  is  worn 
out,  or  nearly  so ;  and  when  the  capitalist  perceives  that 
it  does  not  turn  out  quite  so  many  dollars  as  formerly,  he 
concludes  he  can  afford  to  supply  the  fuel  no  longer ;  he 
therefore  turns  him  again  into  the  street,  where  he  found 
him,  with  as  little  sympathy  or  fellow-feeling  as  he  would 
feel  towards  a  »vorn  out  steam  engine,  and  as  unceremo- 
niously, too,  never  reflecting  that  he  is  his  brother,  and  en- 
titled to  the  same  rights  and  enjoyments  as  himself;  and, 
in  return  for  this  inhuman  conduct,  he  requires  the  grati- 
tude of  the  poor  man,  for  al'owinghim  to  live  as  long  as 
he  has,  and  the  praises  and  benedictions  of  society,  for 
thus  exercising  his  generosity  ! 

With  what  degree  of  consistency,  we  would  ask,  can 
such  a  man  pretend  to  believe  in  the  Gospel,  which  re- 
quires him  to  "  do  unto  others  as  he  \vould  that  others 
should  do  unto  him"?  We  should  like  to  see  the  experi- 
ment tried,  should  the  tables  happen  to  get  turned. 

Well,  what  is  to  become  of  the  poor  man,  who  is  now, 
in  his  old  age,  turned  into  the  street,  without  money  or 
friends,  deprived  of  his  birthright  in  the  soil,  and  has  be- 
come an  outcast?  Again  we  ask,  what  is  to  become  of 
him  ?  We  shall  bring  up  Mr.  Ware,  a  southern  planter, 
who  wrote  "  Notes  on  Political  Economy,"  for  the  edifica- 
tion of  the  American  people,  who  pretends  to  believe  in 
the  doctrine  of  equal  rights.  At  page  195,  you  will  find 
the  following  humane  passage : 


36 

.  "  The  moment  an  individual  is  'base  and  mean  enough  to  beg,  or 
avail  himself  of  public  charity,  he  is  totally  worthless,  and  sunk 
beyond  all  remedy.  There  is  no  foundation  left,  in  his  case,  upon 
which  to  build  him  up;  no  pride,  no  self-esteem,  no  ambition;  in 
short,  the  person  is  not  a  man,  but  sunk  to  the  level  of  the  brute ; 
not  a  biting,  or  venomous  brute,  but  a  mere  eating  brute.  It  would 
be  to  the  interest  of  society,  to  kill  off  all  such  drones,  get  rid  of 
such  excrescences,  and  cast  off  such  burdens.  No  religion,  no 
Howard,  no  helping  hand,  can  raise  him  one  single  step  in  the 
scale  of  value  and  availability." 

Observe  the  words  value  and  availability.  The  natural 
inference  to  be  drawn  from  the  above,  appears  to  be  this: 
that  when  a  man  becomes  reduced  to  poverty  and  destitu- 
tion, no  matter  by  what  means,  if  he  wishes  to  live,  he 
must,  of  necessity,  do  one  of  three  things— -beg,  steal,  or 
starve — and  the  worst  offence  he  can  commit,  is  to  beg : 
for  this,  he  ought  to  be  killed. 

Now,  suppose  the  poor  man  should  improve  upon  the 
hint  Mr.  Ware  gives,  in  regard  to  killing — that  it  wrould 
answer  a  much  better  purpose  for  him  to  kill  the  capital- 
ist, than  let  the  capitalist  kill  him — and  if  it  would  not 
"  be  to  the  interest  of  society  to  kill  off  all  such  drones,  get  rid 
of  such  excrescences,  cast  off  such  burdens"  We  should  be 
very  sorry,  indeed,  should  working  men  undertake  to  carry 
into  practice  Mr.  Ware's  inhuman  suggestion,  though  it 
would  be  but  .a  natural  consequence ;  but  there  is  no  ne- 
cessity for  it.  Restore  to  man  his  right  to  the  soil,  allow 
him  but  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  and  he  wrill  no  longer  be  a 
burden  upon  the  capitalist.  He  asks  for  no  favors ;  he  on- 
ly contends  for  justice,  simple  justice :  give  him  but  this, 
and  he  will  want  no  poor-house  provision,  neither  the 
mercy,  generosity,  charity,  or  benevolence,  from  the  capi- 
talist. 

From  the  foregoing  remarks^  let  all  writers  on  this  sub- 
ject learn  a  salutary  lesson,  and  be  cautious  as  to  the  sen- 
timents they  disseminate  in  books;  as,  from  the  moment  of 
publication,  they  become  public  property.  Perhaps,  if  the 
gentleman  had  perceived  the  full  bearing  of  his  declara- 
tion, he  would  not  have  said  what  he  did. 

Mr.  Wayland,  in  considering  the  cost  of  producing  a  la- 
borer, speaks  of  him  precisely  in  the  same  manner  as  he 
would  were  he  speaking  of  raising  cattle,  and  considers 
him  in  the  same  light.  After  summing  up  the  items  of  his 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  3      - 

observations,  he  concludes  thus,  page  293:  *  "The  lowest? 
price  at  which  the  labor  of  any  animal  can  be  procured,  is! 
the  cost  of  rearing  him,  and  of  maintaining  him  in  health 
and  vigor"  Mr.  Wayland  at  page  31,  in  arranging  Cap- 
ital under  proper  heads,  seems  much  puzzled  to  find  the1 
proper  place  for  land,  but  finally  concludes  to  place  it  along, 
with  ploughs,  harrows,  spades,  carts,  and  working  animals,, 
and,  as  he  makes  no  distinction,  in  a  political  point  of 
view,  between  bipeds  and  quadrupeds,  in  this  case  he 
meant  both.  In  assigning  a  proper  place  ibr  land,  he  qual- 
ifies his  declaration  with  a  "  perhaps  " — he  did  not  know 
certain.  One  would  naturally  be  led  to  suppose  he  had 
received  his  education  in  Russia.  The  title  of  Mr.  Way- 
land's  book  is  as  follows : 

"  Elements  of  Political  Economy,  by  Francis  Wayland,  D.  D., 
President  of  Brown  University,  and  Professor  of  Moral  Philoso- 
phy. 1845." 

One  more  quotation  from  Mr.  Wayland.  At  page  130, 
he  says :  "  As  a  stimulus  to  intellectual  improvement, 
probably  the  right  of  suffrage  should  be  restricted  to  those 
who  are  able  to  read  and  write."  So,  then,  if  society  has 
been  unjust  to  a  portion  of  its  members,  by  failing  to  give 
them  that  education  to  which  they  are  justly  entitled,  this 
reverend  gentleman  advises,  that  insult,  indignity  and  deg- 
radation be  added  to  previous  injustice,  by  depriving  them 
of  their  very  manhood !  This,  too,  under  a  government 
professing  to  derive  its  authority  alone  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed.  Does  an  individual  forfeit  his  relationship 
to  the  great  family  of  Man,  merely  because  others  have 
not  taught  him  how  to  read  and  write  ?  For  this  misfor- 
tune, ought  he  to  be  ostracised?  Mr.  Wayland  says  he 
ought ! 

From  all  that  has  been  quoted  from  American  authors 
on  Political  Economy,  it  must  be  perfectly  evident  to  all, 
that  they,  one  and  all,  have  never  considered  the  man  who 
is  obliged,  by  his  destitution,  to  sell  himself  for  wages,  in 
any  other  view,  than  as  convenient  and  useful  materials 
and  instruments,  sent,  by  Providence,  for  the  express  pur- 
pose of  building  up  and  promoting  the  short-sighted  inter- 
est of  the  unfeeling,  world-grasping  capitalist.  As  to  their 
having  the  common  rights  of  humanity,  and  the  feelings 


38  WORKING  MAN'S 

of  human  beings,  has  never  entered  into  their  calculations, 
notwithstanding  we  have  had  the  "  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence "  before  us  these  seventy  years,  which  emphati- 
cally declares,  that  all  men's  rights  are  equal ;  all  of  them 
well  understanding,  that  the  poorer  a  man  is,  the  easier  it 
is  to  deprive  him  of  the  fruits  of  his  labor. 

If  we  analyze  all  the  orthodox  systems  of  Political 
Economy,  and  reduce  them  to  their  simple  elements,  we 
are  inevitably  forced  to  the  conclusion,  that,  if  the  writers 
had  given  titles  to  their  works,  in  accordance  with  the 
principles  and  doctrines  laid  down  in  them,  they  would 
have  been,  something  like  the  following : 

POLITICAL  ECONOMY: 

EEVOTED   TO    THE    INTERESTS    OF    THE 

KING   AND   THE   CAPITALIST: 

OR, 

How  we,  the  Rich  may  bind,  in  perpetual  slavery,  the  great  ma- 
jority of  mankind,  and  cause  them  to  supply  us  with  all  the  com- 
forts, luxuries  and  vanities  of  life,  with  the  greatest  success,  and 
with  perfect  security  to  ourselves.  And,  also,  when  they  have 
produced  more  wealth  than  we  know  how  to  dispose  of,  or  what  to 
do  with,  how  to  starve  them  to  death,  out  of  our  way,  how  to  "cast 
off  such  burdens,  get  rid  of  such  excrescences,"  and  yet  be  good 
and  virtuous ; 

BY  MALTHUSyCoLQUHOUN,   SMITH,  SAY,  BLAKE,  WARE, 
AND  MANY  OTHERS. 

Furthermore,  the  elements  of  criminal  law  may,  with 
the  same  propriety,  all  be  condensed  into  the  following 
brief  appellation : 

CRIMINAL  JURISPRUDENCE: 

OR, 

How  the  Rich  can  keep  the  Poor  and  defenceless  in  proper  subjec- 
tion, while  suffering  under  the  cruel  treatment  of  their  illustrious 
and  dignified.  Lords  and  Masters ; 

BY  LAW  AND  ORDER. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  39 

Producers  of  wealth !  this  is  the  true  statement  of  the 
case,  in  a  hut-shell:  we  give  you  author  and  page,  and, 
therefore,  challenge  a  refutation. 

Well  may  such  institutions  be  termed  "paradoxical  and 
unnatural"  Working  men !  producers  of  wealth !  it  is  your 
task  to  abolish  them,  and  introduce  a  state  of  justice,  by 
promoting  National  Reform  ! 

We  would  naturally  suppose,  from  the  principles  incul- 
cated by  Political  Economists,  that  they  had  profited  much 
by  the  study  of  Dame  Lobkins'  instruction  to  Paul  Clifford, 
which  runs  something  like  this : 

"Mind  thy  kittychism,  child,  and  reverence- old  age.  Never 
steal,  'specially  when  anybody  be  in  the  way.  Never  go  snacks 
with  them  as  be  older  than  you, — 'cause  why?  The  older  a  cove 
be,  the  more  he  cares  for  his  self,  and  the  less  for  his  partner. 
Read  your  Bible,  and  talk  like  a  pious  'un.  People  goes  more  by 
your  words,  than  your  actons.  If  you  wants  what  is  not  your 
own,  try  and  do  without  it;  and,  if  you  can't  do  without  it,  take 
it  by  insinivation,  not  bluster.  'Cause  they  as  only  swindles,  does 
more  and  risks  less  than  they  as  robs  outright ;  and,  if  you  cheats 
toppingly,  you  may  laugh  at  the  topping  cheat  (gallows.)  Now,, 
go  play;  but  here,  take  some  money  in  your  pocket,  and  don't 
play  for  nothing;  it's  loss  of  time;  but  mind,  always  play  with  them 
as  be  less  than  yourself*  and  then,  if  they  says  you  go  for  to  cheat,1 
you  can  go  for  to  beat  'em."* 

*  Bulwer. 


40  WORKING 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LEGAL    AND    ILLEGAL    ROBBERY    COMPARED. 

PREVIOUS  to  proceeding  further,  it  is  necessary  to  clear 
up  a  difficulty  in  respect  to  compulsory  human  action, 
which,  in  reality,  cannot  possibly  exist,  because  no  man 
can  make  another  do  an  act  which  he  will  not  do:  he  must 
will  before  he  can  act.  This  is  so  plain,  that  none  need 
err,  as  every  one  may  convince  himself,  by  appealing  to 
his  own  experience :  he  will  find  that  the  will  is  the  cause 
of  the  act.  Therefore,  if  he  performs  the  least  voluntary 
act,  it  must  be  in  accordance  with  the  will,  or  willingly. 
Suppose  a  robber  meets  a- defenceless  man  on  the  highway, 
and  demands  his  purse ;  at  the  same  time,  presents  a  pistol : 
the  man,  perhaps,  hesitates,  but  presently  deliberately 
hands  it  over  to  the  robber,  thinking  it  better  to  lose  his 
purse,  than  his  life ;  the  mental  conclusion  he  comes  to, 
being  the  motive  which  causes  the  will  to  produce  the  mus- 
cular act  of  handing  over  the  purse.  In  this  case,  there  is 
no  positive  compulsion;  the  robber  has  only  given  him  the 
choice  of  two  evils — the  man  choosing  the  least,  as  a  mat- 
ter of  course,  or  what  he  thinks  the  least  evil  at  the  time. 
This  is  all  the  kind  of  compulsory  action  that  can  exist,  or 
approximate  towards  it. 

Let  us  suppose,  in  the  case  above,  that  the  man  should 
complain  of  the  injustice  of  the  act;  the  robber  might  an- 
swer thus :  I  have  the  power,  therefore  the  right ;  you  hap- 
pen to  be  weak  and  defenceless ;  I  happen  to  be  armed, 
and  can  protect  myself,  and,  as  you  cannot  defend  your- 
self, you  must  submit  to  the  terms  which  I  dictate :  you 
ought  not  complain;  because,  if  you  have  ingenuity 
enough  to  make,  or  money  to  buy  a  pistol,  you  can  do  as 
I  do — rob  others,  and  get  your  money  back  again;  you 
have  the  same  right  that  I  have.  Now,  what  would  an 
honest  man  think  of  such  reasoning  ?  Would  he  not  be 
shocked?  Would  he  not  pronounce  it  perfect  sophistry? 
Besides  this,  what  kind  of  consolation  could  an  honest  man 
derive  from  the  consideration,  that,  if  he  could  only  get  a 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  41 

pistol,  he  might  rob  others,  on  the  grcrand  that  himself  had 
been  robbed !  Ought  such  consideration  reconcile  him  to 
the  injustice  of  the  outrage  ?  Surely  not.  Let  men  of  hon- 
est feeling  answer. 

The  reasoning  of  the  robber  is  similar  to  that  of  the 
capitalist :  the  difference,  which  is  slight,  will  be  shown 
presently. 

Suppose  A  should  meet  B  in  a  solitary  place ;  A  has  a 
pistol,  but  destitute  of  money  or  bread;  B  has  three  dol- 
lars in  his  pocket ;  -A  says,  deliver  your  money,  presenting 
the  pistol,  and  thereby  putting  B  in  fear  of  a  sudden  death, 
but  who,  rather  than  suffer,  is  willing  to  part  with  his  purse. 
In  common  language,  we  would  call  this  compulsion ;  yet, 
in  reality,  it  is  only  choosing  between  two  evils.  Let  us 
suppose,  further,  that  B  remonstrates,  and  says,  do  not  rob 
me  entirely,  or  I  shall  be  ruined;  1  shall  want  for  bread. 
A  then  sympathizes  writh  B,  and  finally  takes  but  two  dol- 
lars, leaving  him  one  to  sustain  him  on  his  journey.  This 
kind  of  transaction  A  performs  each  day  in  succession,  but 
every  day  finds  a  new  victim.  Again  suppose  :  C,  having 
all  the  comforts  of  life  in  abundance,  much  more  than  he 
can  consume,  finds  D  in  a  ditch,  unable  to  get  out,  in  fear 
of  starvation,  and  begs  C  to  help  him  out.  What  will 
you  pay  me?. says  C.  I  have  nothing  to  pay  with,  which 
is  the  reason  that  I  am  lying  here,  answers  D.  Can  you 
spin  out  dollars  ?  and  how  many  can  you  spin  out  in  a  day  ? 
D  answers,  I  can  spin  out  three  dollars  a  clay;  but  I  have 
nothing  to  buy  fuel  wiih,  to  set  me  in  motion.'  Well,  my 
good  fellow,  says  C,  if  you  will  set  yourself  to  work,  and 
spin  out  three  dollars  a  day,  (but  mind,  all  the  dollars  are 
mine,  except  the  cost  of  the  fuel  which  is  necessary  to 
keep  you  in  motion,)  I  will  have  the  generosity  to  help 
you  out.  Well,  the  poor  fellow,  after  considering  the  mat- 
ter over,  and  being  in  fear  of  a  painful,  lingering  death  by 
starvation,  rather  than  suffer  which,  is  willing  to  accept 
C's  terms.  In  this  case,  there  is  as  much  compulsory  ac- 
tion as  there  is  in  the  case  of  A  and  B,  with  but  this  differ- 
ence :  A  runs  some  risk  in  challenging  B,  because  he  does 
not  know  whether  he  is  armed  or  not,  until  he  tries  the  ex- 
periment. Again  he  runs  a  great  risk  in  regard  to  the 
law :  he  also  well  knows  that  B  has  a  remedy,  in  law, 
against  him.  To  meet  these  dangers,  it  is  necessary  to 
evince  a  spirit  of  enterprize  and  courage :  in  fact,  it  re- 


42  W  O  R  K  I  N  G     M  A  N  '  S 

quires  some  bravery.  In  both  cases,  the  victims  suffer  the 
loss  of  the  same  amount  of  property ;  but  A's  victim  goes 
on  his  way  rejoicing,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  C's  victim 
is  consigned  to  everlasting  slavery,  without  hope  of  re- 
demption. In  both  cases,  they  are  conquered  by  the  fear 
of  death:  in  B's  case,  the  fear  of  death  is  produced,  at  the 
time,  by  the  courage  and  bravery  of  his  conquerer;  but  in 
D's  case,  the  fear  of  death  has  been  produced  as  certainly 
by  his  conquerer,  as  in  the  case  of  B,  but  in  a  different 
manner,  to  wit :  by  C's  influence  in  contriving  those  para- 
doxical and  unnatural  institutions,  which  were  intended  to 
consign  him  to  the  ditch.  Our  paradoxical  and  unnatural 
institutions  of  society  consign  A  to  a  dungeon,  and  to  C 
they  award  riches,  honor,  dignity  and  respect.  Why  these 
decisions?  we  ask.  Is  A  condemned  for  his  courage  and 
bravery,  and  for  risking  his  life  to  get  bread ;  and  C  re- 
warded for  his  cowardly  treason,  in  laying  secret  and  un- 
seen contrivances  to  bring  his  victim  to  the  fear  of  death, 
though  he  is  himself  in  want  of  nothing?  for  this  appears 
to  be  all  the  real  difference  in  the  two  cases.  If  these  be 
the  true  grounds  of  the  decisions,  Mr.  Paley  may  well  call 
such  institutions  "paradoxical  and  unnatural" 

We  contend  that  this  is  no  overdrawn  picture  :  it  is  true 
to  experience,  and  such  characters  abound  in  all  civil  com- 
munities. We  now  ask  every  honest  man  that  has  any  re- 
gard for  the  attributes  which  adorn  and  dignify  human  na- 
ture, which  of  these  two  characters  is  the  most  of  a  Man, 
&nd  is  most  worthy  of  our  trust  and  respect  ?  A,,  the  rob- 
ber, or  C,  the  capitalist?  We  let  others  decide. 


POLITIC  AL     ECONOMY  43 


CHAPTER  V. 

SLAVERY    TO    CAPITAL. 

A  VERY  interesting  piece  of  intelligence  lately  appeared 
in  the  public  papers,  entitled  "First  Men  of  Boston,"  set- 
ting forth,  that  142  persons  were  in  possession  of  $12,604,- 
000,  to  which  we  add  John  Jacob  Astor,  of  New  York. 
Then  we  have  143  persons  owning  forty-two  millions  five 
hundred  and  three  thousand  and  five  hundred  dollars. 
This  sum,  divided  equally  among  the  whole,  will  give  $29,- 
723  apiece ;  but,  for  the  convenience  of  round  numbers, 
we  will  assume  $30,000  each. 

Now,  what  is  the  object  of  this  announcement?  Is  it 
to  show  the  great  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  the  grow- 
ing happiness  of  the  people?  Perhaps  it  is.  If  so,  then 
we  should  like  if  some  of  those  gentlemen  who  understand 
the  subject,  would  show  us  in  what  way  the  happiness  of 
the  mass  of  the  people  is  promoted  by  concentrating  so 
much  wealth  in  the  hands  of  so  few  persons.  We  are  de- 
cidedly at  a  loss :  it  is  a  mystery  to  us.  However,  we  will 
endeavor  to  solve  this  seeming  mystery. 

No  capitalist  in  this  country  is  satisfied  with  less  than  6 
per  cent,  interest  on  his  capital;  and  if  he  could  not,  at 
least,  get  this,  he  would  imagine  that  beggary  was  staring 
him  in  the  face,  no  matter  what  might  be  his  possessions. 
He  would  consider  it  a  certain  indication  of  the  speedy 
dissolution  of  all  earthly  things ;  much  more  so  than  Mil- 
ler's prophecy  of  the  end  of  the  world. 

The  interest  on  five  thousand  dollars  is  three  hundred. 
With  this  sum,  a  capitalist  will  be  enabled  to  supply  with 
fuel  one  man-money-making-machine,  (taking  women  into 
the  account,)  for  one  year.  Now,  this  human  machine  is 
virtually  and  positively  as  much  a  slave  to  the  capitalist, 
as  any  chattel  slave  is  to  his  master;  in  either  case,  they 
are  controlled  by  the  will  of  their  masters,  in  all  their  ac- 
tions, with  this  difference :  the  hired  slave  can  leave  his 
master;  but,  if  he  does,  he  runs  the  risk  of  finding  another, 
which  is  often  very  difficult  to  accomplish ;  still  he  wants 


44  WORKING   MAN'S 

fuel,  or  bread ;  he  must  have  a  master :  the  chattel  slave 
can  run  away ;  so  that  the  servitude,  as  far  as  effects  are 
involved,  are  alike  compulsory  in  both  cases,  and  the  dif- 
ference is  scarcely  worth  a  straw.  In  neither  case  would 
the  victims  consent  to  part  with  the  produce  of  their  own 
labor,  if  they  could  help  it,  except  for  an  equivalent ;  but 
the  masters,  having  virtually  made  the  laws,  have  taken 
good  care  to  protect  themselves  from  violence,  while  they 
commit  the  injustice. 

From  what  has  just  been  said,  it  must  be  evident  to  all, 
that  the  capitalist,  for  every  five  thousand  dollars  he  has 
invested,  virtually  owns  or  controls  a  slave,  whom  he  pur- 
chases daily  with  the  interest,  which  costs  him  nothing, 
being  solely  produced  by  other  men's  labor;  so  that,  in 
reality,  the  capitalist  never  virtually  pays  for  anything,  not 
even  his  personal  taxes,  strictly  speaking.  Consequently, 
any  capitalist  possessing  one  million  dollars,  virtually  owns 
and  controls  two  hundred  slaves.  All  the  wealth  which  is 
produced  by  them,  he  claims  as  his  own,  though  it  costs 
him  nothing;  for  even  the  fuel  which  is  necessary  to  keep 
these  man  machines  in  action,  is  furnished  at  the  expense 
of  others,  which  has  been  fully  proved.  This  being  all 
true  and  self-evident,  the  capitalist  of  thirty  millions  owns 
and  controls  at  least  six  thousand  of  his  fellow  beings  in 
perpetual  slavery ;  and  this  power  to  enslave  does  not  die 
with  the  capitalist,  but  is  transmitted  to  posterity  by  the 
law  of  inheritance ;  so  that  one  portion  of  mankind  are 
born  with  saddles  on  their  backs,  and  another  portion, 
ready  booted  and  spurred,  to  ride  them.  All  this  is  done, 
too,  in  a  land  of  liberty  and  equal  rights,  while  our  Fourth 
of  July  orators  complain,  that  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence has  been  commented  upon  so  much,  that  the 
subject  has  been  completely  exhausted.  We  think  it  high 
time  they  had  their  eyes  open. 

Now  we  should  like  to  know  in  what  manner  the  hap- 
piness of  the  community  is  promoted  by  the  existence 
of  these  things.  Those  who  know,  ought  to  tell  and  ex- 
plain it:  the  public  goodrequi  res  it:  they  are  culpable,  if 
they  do  not  do  it.  But,  until  they  do,  we  shall  stick  firmly 
to  our  text.  "  We  will  not  bate  a  single  word,  nor  take 
one  letter  back." 

Capital,  in  its  true  sense  and  nature,  is  no  evil,  but  a 
good  in  itself,  being  nothing  more  than,  a  concentrated  or 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  45 

compact  form  of  the  products  of  labor  still  unconsumed, 
and  has  an  intrinsic  and  commercial  value,  like  all  other 
products  of  industry;  and,  with  much  propriety,  might  be 
called  past  labor,  or  the  surplus  products  of  labor,  saved 
over  and  above  consumption.  We  fear  no  refutation  of 
this  declaration:  its  truth  we  shall  prove  clearly,  in  its 
proper  place.  Now,  this  surplus  past  labor  might,  and,  in 
justice,  ought  to  be  employed  in  promoting  the  prosperity 
of  all  the  people ;  but  it  is  not ;  on  the  contrary,  it  is  made 
use  of  as  a  terrible  engine  of  oppression. 

Therefore,  capital,  as  now  employed  in  the  civilized 
world,  in  the  enslavement  of  men,  is  not  a  blessing,  but  a 
blighting  curse  in  the  land ;  it  is  a  grievous  canker,  that 
eats  out  the  poor  man's  substance;  it  is  a  vile  and  loath- 
some incubus,  that  corrupts  and  corrodes  the  human  heart, 
by  making  it  callous  to  the  sufferings  of  our  fellow  men ; 
it  is  an  all-consuming  Moloch,  to  whom  has  been  sacrificed 
our  dearest  and  most  sacred  rights;  to  whom  justice,  re- 
ligion and  morality  have  been  prostituted;  it  is  the  great 
Juggernaut  of  civilization,  annually  immolating  its  thou- 
sands of  miserable,  helpless  victims,  by  first  striking  them 
with  poverty,  and  then  starving  them  to  death.  In  short, 
all  classes  of  people  have  beta  made  to  bow  down,  to 
worship  and  adore  this  all-consuming,  gormandizing  idol. 

Working  men,  will  you  lay  yourselves  down  under  its 
wheels,  and  be  crushed  to  death  by  its  ponderous  weight, 
and  have  your  little  ones  doomed  to  everlasting  poverty  ? 
Will  you  lick  the  hand  that  smites  you,  and  hug  the  chains 
that  fetter  you?  or  will  you  rise  up  in  the  majesty  of  your 
strength,  and,  in  the  dignity  of  your  manhood,  put  down 
this  hideous,  frightiul  monster,  assert  your  rights  as  men, 
be  free y  be  happy  ?  This  is  for  you  to  decide.  If  you  decide 
on  putting  down  the  monster,  promote  the  National  Reform 
cause,  and  vote  the  freedom  of  the  public  lands. 


46  WORKING  MAN'S 


CHAPTER  VI. 

ON  THE    NATURE    OE    PROPERTY   IN  GENERAL. 

Nd  error  prevalent  among  men,  has  produced  so  much 
mischief,  as  that  of  confounding  the  products  of  human 
industry  with  the  elements  and  spontaneous  productions 
of  nature.  Property,  wealth,  and  riches,  we  consider  as- 
synonymous,  or  mean  the  same  thing.  Therefore,  prop- 
erty consists  of  the  products  of  human  industry,  or  those 
things  only  which  man  creates,  makes,  or  produces,  by  the 
energies  of  his  physical  capabilities.  The  idea  of  buying 
and  selling  the  elements  of  nature  with  money,  is  a  per- 
fect absurdity.  Whatever  argument  may  be  brought  for- 
ward, in  support  of  the  practice,  will  sustain  that  of  chat- 
tel slavery,  with  the  same  propriety.  In  fact,  it  is  the  foun- 
dation of  all  kinds  of  slavery.  We  should  like  to  know 
upon  what  just  right  any  man  can  found  his  claim  to  tax 
his  iellow  man  for  the  use  of  that  which  is  not  the  produce 
of  human  exertion,  but  is  the  free  gift  of  God  to  all  men 
in  common,  and  to  no  man  in  particular. 

The  negro  slaveholder  justifies  himself  on  the  ground, 
that,  because  the  laws  of  his  country  are  in  his  favor,  and 
allow  him  to  traffic  in  human  flesh,  if  he  purchase  and  pay 
for  a  negro,  he  is,  therefore,  his  bona  fide  property;  but 
these  circumstances  can  never  make  the  transaction  just 
or  right,  as  no  man  ever  did  purchase  a  slave  that  did  not, 
at  the  same  time,  know,  that  he  (the  slave)  had  been  stolen. 
Now  we  contend  that  there  is  as  much  justice  in  buying 
and  selling  human  flesh,  as  there  is  in  buying  and  selling 
land  for  money.  The  cases  are  precisely  similar :  the  one 
can  no  more  be  justified  than  the  other.  Mr.  Blake  says, 
page  26:  "Under  bad  governments,  particular  classes 
[such  as  landlords  and  capitalists,]  are  favored,  others  dis- 
couraged and  oppressed  :  property  is  thus  unequally  shared, 
and  wealth  unfairly  and  unjustly  distributed."  In  despotic 
governments,  this  is  effected  by  the  royai  dictum,  and  the 
influence  of  the  nobility;  in  repre  sentative  governments, 
by  the  influence  of  landlords, slaveholders  and  capitalists; 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  47 

and  in  both,  the  practice  of  making  land  private  property, 
and  is  the  circumstance  which  enables  them  chiefly  to  do 
so ;  because,  they  who  own  and  control  the  land,  can,  and 
always  have,  controlled  all  other  interests.  Therefore,  we 
need  not  be  surprised,  that  kings,  nobles,  landlords  and 
capitalists,  have  taken  special  care  of  themselves,  without 
regard  to  the  rights  of  their  fellow  men. 

Mr.  Paley  says,  "  nothing  ought  to  be  made  exclusive 
property,  which  can  be  conveniently  engaged  in  common." 
It  may  be  convenient,  and  no  doubt  is  so,  for  the  rich  to 
make  land  exclusive  property ;  but  +he  convenience  to  the 
poor,  or  a  majority  of  the  people,  remains  yet  to  be  dis- 
covered. Mr.  Paley  further  says,  "  there  is  a  difficulty  in 
explaining  the  origin  of  property  in  land,  consistently  with 
the  law  of  nature ;  for  the  land  was  once,  no  doubt,  com- 
mon, and  the  question  now  is,  how  any  particular  part  of 
it  could  be  justly  taken  out  of  the  common,  and  so  appro- 
priated to  the  first  owner,  as  to  give  him  a  better  right  to 
it  than  others,  and,  what  is  more,  a  right  to  exclude  all 
others  from  it?"  and,  we  add,  by  means  of  a  few  words 
on  a  bit  of  parchment,  convey,  through  a  particular  line  of 
succession,  that  right  and  title  to  distant  and  unknown 


These  questions,  so  simple  in  themselves,  and  of  such 
vital  importance  to  mankind,  unfortunately  remain  unan- 
swered to  the  present  moment.  Where  are  our  Fourth  of 
July  orators,  that  prate  about  equal  rights? — of  "  the  land 
of  the  free,  and  ithe  home  of  the  brave  "  ?  And  where  are 
the  minstrels  that  sing  of  the  glories  of  the  stars  and 
stripes,  and  of  the  star  spangled  banner  that  floats  in  the 
breeze  ?  Let  them  cease  their  soul-stirring  oratory,  and 
their  heart-soothing  melodies;  aye,  we  say,  let  them  close 
their  lips  and  be  dumb;  let  the  joyful  sounds  no  more  be 
heard,  while  the  blighting  curse  of  land  monopoly  contin- 
ues to  paralyze  the  arm  of  industry,  and  blast  the  happy 
prospects  of  an  ought  to  be  free  and  independent  people. 

We  hope  that  sufficient  has  been  said  to  prove  positively 
that  land,  in  no  case,  can  be  justly  considered  as  property ; 
and,  to  conclude  this  part  of  the  subject,  we  will  quote 
Mr.  Paley,  who  says :  "  Moralists  have  given  many  differ- 
ent paradoxical  and  unnatural  accounts  of  this  matter, 
which  diversity,  alone,  is,  perhaps,  proof  that  none  of 
them  are  satisfactory." 


48  WORKING    MANS 

It  may  now  be  asked,  what  is  property  ?  We  answer, 
the  products  of  labor;  nothing  else  can  be. 

There  are  but  three  ways  in  which  it  is  possible  to  be- 
come rightly  or  justly  possessed  of  property.  The  first  is, 
by  making  it ;  the  second  is,  by  purchasing,  and  giving  an 
equivalent  for  it,  (that  is,  an  equal  amount  of  labor ;)  the 
third  is,  by  donation  or  free  gift  from  another,  whose  prop- 
erty it  was.  And,  as  none  of  these  conditions  are  appli- 
cable to  ownership  of  land  as  property,  we  shall  at  once 
proceed  to  consider  the  products  of  labor.  In  order  that 
we  may  not  be  misunderstood,  it  is  necessary  that  we  ex- 
plicitly explain  our  terms. 

All  the  products  of  labor  are  susceptible  of  two  kinds  of 
value  :  first,  intrinsic ;  and  second,  commercial  or  exchang- 
able. 

Intrinsic  value  arises  from  the  nature  of  things  them- 
selves, and  can  be  considered  only  in  reference  to  the  kind 
and  amount  of  human  desires  they  are,  in  their  natures,  capa- 
ble of  gratifying.  This  kind  of  value  can  have  no  refer- 
ence to  money  whatever,  or  any  other  product  of  labor. 
Nor  can  it,  in  any  manner,  be  estimated  or  measured  by 
them.  Nothing  can  be  more  valuable  than  air  to  breathe, 
but  this  value  can  never  be  estimated  by  any  amount  of 
money  whatever ;  therefore,  in  justice,  can  never  be  bought 
or  sold.  The  same  may  be  said  of  water,  of  sunshine,  of 
land,  of  wild  fruits,  vegetables,  uncaught  fish,  and  what- 
ever lies  in  a  state  of  nature,  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth, 
such  as  minerals,  metals,  &c.,  not  even  excluding  gold  and 
silver.  This  value,  therefore,  can  never  be  effected  or  in- 
terfered with  by  anything  that  man  can  do,  either  collect- 
ively or  individually.  Neither  can  it  be  valued  by  money. 

Commercial  or  exchanguble  value  is  a  different  thing  al- 
together, and  is  dependent  principally  upon  the  amount  of 
labor  or  time  required,  or  actually  expended  in  the  pro- 
duction of  such  things  as  are  the  subjects  of  bargain  and 
sale  :  in  other  words,  the  cost  of  production. 

Neglect  to  preserve  a  distinction  between  these  two 
values,  has  confounded  and  bewildered  all  popular  writers 
on  the  subject  of  Political  Economy.  Whether  this  has 
been  omitted  through  ignorance  or  design,  is  not  for  us  to 
say ;  at  all  events,  the  world  has  been  filled  with  mischief, 
in  consequence  of  the  neglect.  It  is  on  this  value  alonef 
that  all  commerce  ought  to  be  based :  to  take  advantage  o, 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  49 

any  other  circumstance  to  demand  a  greater  price,  is  but  to 
commit  an  outrage,  and  is  a  gross  violation  of  human 
rights:  in  fact,  the  robber  does  nothing  more  than  this:  he 
takes  another's  property,  merely  because  he  has  the  power 
and  the  ability  to  protect  himself. 

On  this  point,  Mr.  W ayland  is  correct,  as  tar  as  he  goes ; 
but  he  stops  before  he  gets  through, and  at  the  most  impor- 
tant point;  that  is,  when  he  come  to  money.  We  shall 
take  up  his  train  of  reasoning,  and  carry  it  out  to  the  end. 
He  savs : 

"  The  degree  of  exchangablc  or  commercia1  value  of  any  com- 
modity, depends  chiefly  upon  the  amount  of  labor  necessary  to  cre- 
ate that  value.  No  one  would  exchange  [if  he  could  help  it,] 
what  has  cost  him  uvo  days'  labor,  for  that  which  has  cost  another 
man  but  one  day's  labor;  because,  rather  than  submit  to  the  injus- 
tice of  making  such  an  exchange,  he  would  create  this-exchangable 
value  himself.  Thus,  if  a  hundred  pounds  of  fish  could  be  pro- 
cured by  one  day's  labor,  and  only  twenty-five  pounds  of  venison, 
men  would  exchange,  not  pound  for  pound,  but  labor  for  labor;  [or 
time  for  time;  say  day  for  day,  or  hour  for  hour,]  that  is,  four 
pounds  of  fish  for  one  pound  of  venison," 

Now,  this  is  all  right  and  just,  and  we  think  no  one  can 
object  to  it.  A  discontinuance  of  this  simple  practice,  has 
produced  all  the  evils  of  which  we  complain. 

Again  Mr.  Wayland  says :  "  Cost  forms  the  standard  by 
which  the  degree  of  exchangable  value,  for  long  periods 
of  time,  [that  is  to  say,  the  average,]  is  to  be  estimated.-' 
We  contend  that  this  is  the  only  just  view  that  can  be  taken 
of  the  products  of  labor ;  that  is,  wealth  in  all  its  various 
forms,  whether  in  provisions,  dwellings,  clothing,  money, 
instruction,  &c.;  in  short,  everything  that  is  produced  or 
performed  by  human  energy.  Again  Mr.  Wayland  says : 

"Temporary  circumstances  may  create  a  variation  from  this 
standard,  and  may,  for  a  short  time,  elevate  this  value  above,  or 
depress  it  below  the  cost.  These,  however,  can  continue  to  ope- 
rate but  for  a  short  time:  the  natural  tendency  of  exchangable 
[commercial]  value  is  always  to  gravitate  towards  cost. 

"  Suppose  that,  by  some  cause,  the  supply  of  fish  became  more 
abundant,  so  that  a  man  could,  by  one  day's  labor,  procure  two 
hundred  pounds,  instead  of  one  hundred.  The  hunter  would  not 
be  willing  to  exchange,  as  before,  but  would  rather  catch  fish  for 


50  >.-,  WORKING  MAN'S 

himself.  He  would  now  demand  eight  pounds  of  fish  for  oen 
pound  of  venison :  [which  would  be  the  equivalents  of  labor,]  in 
other  words,  the  value  or  price  of  fish  would  fall;  that  is,  the  same 
amount  of  fish  could  not  procure  as  much  venison  as  it  could  be- 
fore. But  as,  in  consequence  of  this  reduction  in  price,  there 
would  be  an  increased  demand  for  fish ;  that  is,  more  persons  would 
want  it,  and  they  would  also  want  a  larger  quantity  than  before, 
[being  enabled  to  get  it,  in  exchange,  for  a  less  amount  of  their 
own  labor,]  the  fish  erman  Would  not  be  obliged  to  exchange  at  half 
the  former  rate, but  would  be  able  to  exchange  at  a  rate  somewhat 
above  it;  say  perhaps  six  or  seven  pounds  for  a  pound  of  venison. 
Thus,  both  parties  would  be  gainers.  The  fisherman  would  pro- 
cure more  venison,  and  the  hunter  more  fish,  by  a  day's  labor. 
Thus,  a  benefit  to  one  is  a  benefit  to  all.  And  thus  we  see,  that, 
[other  things  being  equal,]  the  greater  the  supply  of  any  article, 
the  less  its  commercial  value:  that  is,  the  less  amount  of  other 
things  can  it  procure  in  exchange." 

So  reasons  Mr.  Wayland,  and  his  reasoning  is  correct; 
out  he  should  not  have  stopped  here.  We  may  introduce, 
in  place  of  the  fisherman  and  the  hunter,  the  farmer  and 
shoe-maker,  the  hatter  and  watch-maker,  the  iron-maker 
and  the  money-maker;  by  doing  this,  we  shall  perceive, 
that  when  any  product  of  labor  is  what  we  call  cheap,  it 
is  an  evidence  that  it  is  supplied  in  plenty.  We  shall  per- 
ceive, also,  if  we  take  into  consideration  the  aggregate  of 
all  the  products  of  labor,  that  the  greater  the  quantity  pro- 
duced in  a  community  in  the  least  space  of  time,  (if  this 
equitable  system  of  commerce  is  pursued,)  the  better  it  is 
for  all ;  because  such  consumer  gets  the  greater  amount  of 
wealth  for  his  own  use,  by  giving,  in  exchange,  a  smaller 
amount  of  his  own  labor.  And  this  is  even-handed  just- 
ice :  it  is  as  it  ought  to  be  ;  because  every  producer,  by  it, 
would  accumulate  property  in  proportion  to  his  industry. 
And  not,  as  under  the  prevailing  system,  do  so  in  propor- 
tion as  he  has  power  to  violate  the  just  rights  of  others. 
Also,  it  must  be  obvious  to  all,  that,  just  in  proportion  as 
improvements  are  made  in  agriculture,  the  mechanic  arts, 
or  in  commerce,  the  greater  will  be  the  reward  of  all  who 
may  be  engaged  in  either  pursuit.  Let  this  foolish,  but 
fatal  error  of  property  in  the  elements,  be  abolished ;  let  labor 
alone  give  value  to  property,  whether  in  its  production  or 
distribution,  then  perfectly  free  competition,  governed  alone 
by  the  immutable  principle  of  supply  and  demand^  we  con- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  51 

tend,  is  all  mat  is  necessary  to  bring  about  that  state  of 
things,  so  ardently  desired  and  looked  for,  by  all  good  and 
honest  men. 

Natural  talent  being  the  free  gift  of  God,  can  have  no< 
relative  value  with  the  products  of  labor;  it  should,  there- 
fore, be  classed  with  the  elements.  Acquired  talent  being 
the  result  of  expense  in  instruction,  and  devotion  to  study, 
should  be  classed  with  the  products  of  labor,  and  estimated 
accordingly. 

All  that  human  energy  can  accomplish  in  regard  to 
property  is,  first, produce  or  create  it;  second,  distribute  it; 
third,  consume  it.  And  there  are  but  three  ways  by  which 
a  man  can  justly  become  the  owner  of  property.  The 
first  is,  when  he  makes,  produces,  or  creates  it;  the 
second  is,  when  he  purchases  it  from  another,  whose  it 
was,  by  giving  an  equivalent  for  it;  and  the  third  is,  when 
it  is  a  donation  or  free  gift  from  another,  whose  it  was.  If 
there  be  any  other  just  mode  of  acquiring  property,  some 
of  our  men  of  talent  and  learning  ought  to  show  what  it 
is.  In  fact,  it  is  their  duty  to  do  so — the  public  good 
requires  it. 

There  is  a  very  prevalent  disposition  in  society  to  aw&  i 
more  dignity,  importance  and  consideration  to  that  class  who 
arrogantly  style  themselves  "  the  business  community,"  that 
is,  those  engaged  in  commerce,  than  to  any  other  class.  In 
fact,  it  is  imperiously  demanded  by  them,  as  may  be  prove  4 
from  many  of  their  published  works.  In  proof  of  this  asser- 
tion, we  shall  select  from  but  one;  and  that  is,  an  Address 
to  the  "  Young  Men's  Mercantile  Association  of  Cincin- 
nati," delivered  by  Judge  Hall,  April,  1846.  He  says : 

"  It  will  require  but  little  reflection  to  satisfy  us,  that  the  re- 
sources of  this  country  are  controlled  chiefly  by  that  class,  which,  in 
our  peculiar  phraseology,  we  term  "the  business  community" — 
embracing  all  those  who  are  engaged  in  the  great  occupation  of 
buying  and  selling,  exchanging,  importing  and  exporting  merchan- 
dize, and  including  the  banker,  the  broker,  and  the  underwriter.  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  asserting  that  they  employ  more  of  the 
wealth,  the  industry,  and  the  intellect,  of  the  American  people, 
than  all  other  employments  and  prof  essions  united. 

Commerce  is  limited  only  by  the  boundaries  of  civilized  inter- 
course. It  employs  the  highest  energies  of  the  human  intellect, 
and  is  seen  in  the  most  magnificent  displays  of  wealth  and  power. 
The  vast  navies  that  circumnavigate,  the  globe  are  hers;  great 


52  WORKING    MAN    S 

cities  acknowledge  her  sway;  her  merchants  are  Princes,  the 
revenues  of  great  and  mighty  nations  are  under  her  control.  She 
is  the  arbitress  of  war  and  peace." 

Such  are  the  arrogant  claims  and  pretensions  of  the 
commercial  or  "  business  community,"  the  money  princes 
of  the  world,  the  claims  of  capital.  If  these  claims  are 
just  and  right,  they  ought  to  be  allowed;  if  not,  they 
ought  to  be  resisted.  Those  who  produce  all  the  wealth 
of  the  country,  set  up  no  such  arrogant  claims  for  them- 
selves, and  are,  therefore,  unwilling  to  allow  them  to  those 
who  only  distribute  what  themselves  make  or  produce. 
We  know  of  no  reason  why  they  should. 

Tudge  Hall  thus  continues  * 

"  Under  the  influence  of  that  fell  spirit  of  demagogueism  which 
has  swept  over  the  land,  it  has  become  fashionable  to  flatter  the 
agricultural  and  laboring  classes,  because  they  are  the  most  numer- 
ous, and  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot  boxes ;  while  a  sys- 
tematic effort  has  been  made  to  decry  the  merchant  and  the  banker, 
and  to  stigmatise  their  business  as  inimical  to  the  liberty  and  pros- 
perity of  the  country.  We  might  pass  over  these  incendiary  doc- 
trines with  the  contempt  they  deserve,  if  it  were  not  for  the  wide- 
spread mischief  which  they  work,  by  deluding,  to  their  own  injury, 
the  numerous  classes  whom  they  are  intended  to  cajole  and  flatter. 
The  laborer  and  mechanic  are  taught  to  dislike  the  banker,  whose 
means  furnish  them  with  daily  employment;  the  farmer's  mind  is 
diligently  imbued  with  a  deadly  hatred  for  the  merchant  and  the 
banker,  without  whose  assistance  his  CROPS  WOULD  HOT  UPON  THE 
FIELD. 

It  appears  by  the  census  of  1840,  that  the  number  of  persons  in 
Ohio,  engaged  in  commerce,  in  agriculture,  and  in  mechanical 
labors  and  trades,  was  as  follows : 

In  Agriculture,  -  ...         272,579 

Manufactures,  Mechanics  and  Trades,  66,265 

In  Commerce,    -----  9,201 

By  this  shewing,  it  appears,  that  the  disparity  between  these 
classes  is  very  great,  that  the  oppression  attempted  to  be  practised 
by  the  many  over  the  few,  is  at  least  safe  to  the  agents  employed 
in  the  experiment,  and  that  however  abject  and  unjust,  however  re- 
pugnant to  the  constitutional  principles  of  equality  and  democracy 
such  appeals  to  the  prejudices  of  the  mass  may  be,  the  demagogues 
who  use  them,  do  so  in  the  confidence  of  an  impunity  guarantied 
by  an  odds  of  more  than  thirty  to  one  in  their  favor. 

The  prosperity  of  the  country,  its  peace,  its  character,  and  its 
credit,  are  deeply  affected  by  the  too  successful  influence  of  these 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  5S 

wretched  intrigues.  n.ven  the  bench  has  not  been  free  from  these 
pernicious  opinions,  and  demagogues  have  been  found  so  hardened 
and  so  daring,  as  to  carry  into  that  sacred  tribunal  the  profligate 
pledge  of  party  obedience,  and  to  consummate  there  the  atrocious 
proscription  of  individuals  and  classes. 

Commerce,  which  is  the-  agent  that  distributes  blessings  so  uni- 
versal and  indispensable,  is  by  no  means  obvious  to  the  casual 
observer;  though  its  advantages  are  pre-eminent,  and  widely  dif- 
fused,, the  number  -engaged  in  this  profession  is  so  small  in  com- 
parison with  the  aggregate  of  society,  and  their  transactions*  espe- 
cially those  of  the  greatest  magnitude,  attract  so  little  attention, 
that  the  observation  of  the  public  is  not  awakened  to  a  just  appre- 
ciation of  the  mercantile  character." 

What  a  pity  it  is,  and  how  unjust  that  this  "  princely," 
p?e-eminent,  dignified,  useful  and  indispensable  class, 
without  who-se  assistance  no  one  could  live ;  who  control 
all  the  wealth  of  the  world,  who  "  employ  more  industry, 
more  capital,  and  more  intellect,  than  all  other  employ- 
ments and  professions  put  together"!!  who  style  them- 
selves princes,  owners  of  the  mighty  navies  that  circum- 
navigate the  globe ;  are  the  arbiters  of  war  and  peace 
every  where ;  in  short,  the  cnly  "  business  men "  in  the 
\vorlcl;  should  have  remained  so  long  in  obscurity;  its 
J>re- eminence,  dignity  and  usefulness,  not  properly  ac- 
knowledged by  the  public  !  What  a  shame ! ! 

The  best  thing  these  sole  " business  men"  can  do,  to 
bring  themselves  into  notice,  "  attract  more  attention,"  so 
that  the  observation  of  the  public  may  be  awakened  to  a 
just  appreciation  of  the  pre-eminence,  dignity,  usefulness, 
and  importance  of  their  profession,  will  be  to  publish  and 
widely  disseminate  such  sentiments  as  are  contained  in 
the  address  just  quoted  from ;  especially  among  those  igno- 
rant wretches,  the  farmers,  mechanics  and  laborers,  who 
are  cajoled,  flattered  and  deluded  to  ineir  own  injury ;  and 
blindly  and  foolishly  outnumber  their  betters  at  the  ballot 
boxes. 

That  nine  thousand  merchants,  bankers  and  brokers, 
should  claim  for  themselves  (notwithstanding  they  control 
the  wealth  of  the  country)  more  dignity,  importance  and 
consideration  among  their  fellow-citizens,  and  more  influ- 
ence at  the  ballot-box,  than  three  hundred  and  thirty  thou- 
sand farmers  and  mechanics  (who  produce  an 1  bring  into 
existence  all  the  -wealth,  of  the  State,  by  their  own  physi- 


54  WORKING     MAN    S 

cal  energies  at  the  expense  of  much  labor  and  toil)  merely 
because  they,  the  "business  men,"  nominally  distribute 
that  wealth  which  the  others  have  positively  produced ; 
seems  to  us  most  profoundly  ridiculous.  There  is  a  pas- 
sage in  the  Judge's  address,  which  is  completely  shrouded 
in  mystery,  where  he  complains  of  the  oppression  attempt- 
ed to  be  practised  by  the  many  over  the  few,  of  the  viola- 
tion of  the  constitutional  principles  of  equality  and  democ- 
racy ;  the  safety  and  impunity  of  the  agents  employed  in 
making  the  attempt,  because  they  are  guarantied  by  an 
odds  of  thirty  to  one  in  their  favor.  What  can  he  mean  ? 
Has  any  attempt  ever  been  made  to  deprive  "  the  business 
men  of  community"  of  their  equal  right  to  the  ballot-box, 
with  the  rest  of  their  fellow-citizens?  We  know  of  none. 
Now,  as  the  Judge  has  failed  to  tell  us  what  he  means, 
precisely,  as  he  ought  to  have  done,  \ve  shall  endeavor  to 
supply  the  deficiency  by  venturing  to  guess. 

It  was  shown,  at  chapter  fourth  of  this  work,  that  the 
capitalist,  by  the  investment  of  five  thousand  dollars  at 
six  per  cent.,  has  the  power  virtually  to  own  and  control 
another  man,  "ichich,  in  our  peculiar  phraseology,  we  term" 
virtually  a  slave. 

The  capitalist  of  twenty  thousand,  four  slaves ;  and  so 
on  in  proportion. 

Perhaps  the  Judge  thinks,  and  may  possibly  think  hon- 
estly, (but  he  must  not  forget  that  others  have  a  right  to 
think  as  well  as  he)  that  in  accordance  \vith  the  "  demo- 
cratic principles  of  equal  rights,"  these  slaves,  like  the 
negroes  of  the  South,  should  be  kept  fron  the  ballot-box, 
and  the  masters  vote  in  their  stead,  as  the  Southern  slave- 
holders do :  say  one  vote  for  each  five  thousand  dollars,  or 
for  each  slave,  no  matter  which.  If  this  be  not  his  mean- 
ing, we  are  utterly  at  fault — we  can  imagine  no  other.  If 
it  is  the  proper  meaning,  why  do  not  these  gentlemen 
come  up  and  make  the  avowal,  honestly  like  men ;  un- 
clouded by  dark  and  incomprehensible  insinuations  ? 

If  we  are  right  in  this  conjecture,  and  such  in  reality  be 
their  claims,  they  may  rest  assured  that  the  farmers  and 
mechanics  who  create  all  that  wealth,  (upon  the  mere 
buying  and  selling  of  which,  "  the  business  men  of  com- 
munity "  arrogate  to  themselves  such  "  transcendent  dig- 
nity and  usefulness ")  will  never  accede  to  them,  so  long 
as  the  declaration,  "God  has  made  all  the  nations  of  the 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  55 

earth  of  one  blood,"  stands  in  holy  writ ;  so  long  as  that 
self-evident  truth,  "  all  men  are  born  free  and  equal,"  re- 
mains inscribed  on  the  tablets  of  our  hearts.  Never — nor 

"  While  the  earth  bears  a  plant, 
Or  the  sea  rolls  its  waves;" 

Nor  while  there  is  an  arm  to  bear  arms,  will  American 
freemen  grant  such  claims,  nor  be  disfranchised  for  the 
lack  of  property — never  ! 

The  Judge  tells  us,  the  merchants  are  princes ;  and  if  he 
considered  there  was  any  probability  of  carrying  out  his 
scheme  at  the  ballot-box,  he  might  have  consoled  himself 
with  the  reflection,  that  it  would  not  be  long  before 
these  princes  would  be  full  grown  kings,  when  that  oppres- 
sion of  the  many  over  the  few,  of  which  he  so  bitterly  com- 
plains, and  of  the  injustice  of  being  outnumbered  at  the 
ballot-box,  might  soon  be  made  short  work  of,  and  a  speedy 
end  put  to  that  safety,  which  he  says  is  now  enjoyed  with 
impunity  by  those  that  outnumber  them.  These  self-styled 
"  princes  "  ought  to  be  well  watched,  and  their  growth 
particularly  attended  to,  lest  they  rise  up  in  majesty  and 
power,  and  reduce  us  and  our  little  ones  to  everlasting 
bondage.  We  may,  perhaps,  be  charged  with  "daring" 
insolence,  impertinence  and  presumption,  &c.  To  this 
charge  we  will  not  demur;  but  humbly  beg  to  be  excused, 
on  the  ground  that  we  have  but  followed  in  the  footsteps 
of  our  illustrious  princely  predecessors,  "which,  in  our 
peculiar  phraseology,  we  term  the  pre-eminent,  intellec- 
tual, indispensable  business  men  of  community." 

«  For  g02d,  his  sword  the  hireling  ruffian  draws, 
For  gold  the  hireling  judge  distorts  the  laws; 
Wealth,  heap'd  on  wealth,  nor  truth,  nor  safety  buys, 
The  dangers  gather  as  the  treasures  rise. 
But  scarce  observed,  the  knowing  and  the  bold, 
Fall  in  the  gen'ral  massacre  of  gold; 
Wide  wasting  pest !  that  rages  unconfin'd, 
And  crowds  with  crimes  the  records  of  mankind. 
Unnumber'd  suppliants  crowd  preferment's  gate, 
Athirst  for  wealth,  and  burning  to  be  great ; 
Delusive  fortune  hears  the  incessant  call, 
They  mount,  they  shine, — evaporate  and  fall." 

DR.  JOHNSON. 


56  WORKING  MAN'S 


CHAPTER  VII. 

NATURE    OF    CAPITAL,   MONEY,   &C. 

CAPITAL,  in  a  general  sense,  is  that  amount  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  labor,  of  any  and  every  kind,  which  remains  over 
and  above  consumption  during  the  time  of  production ;  in 
other  words,  surplus  labor ;  and  for  reasons  already  given 
in  the  last  chapter,  the  elements  of  nature  can  make  no 
part  of  the  commercial  or  exchangeable  value  of  them. 

In  the  farmer's  case,  it  is  that  portion  of  the  produce  of 
his  farm,  which  remains  in  his  possession,  say  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  after  maintaining  himself  and  family,  paying 
his  expenses,  &c.  This  portion  of  his  wealth  may  with 
propriety  be  called  capital,  surplus  labor  in  its  most  simple 
forms.  Suppose  he  should  find  himself  possessed  of  a 
larger  quantity  of  apples  than  he  could  possibly  dispose 
of  at  the  time;  he  well  knows  that  if  he  keeps  them  a 
great  length  of  time,  a  great  portio  n  of  them  will  spoil  on 
his  hands;  perhaps  the  whole,  and  become  a  dead  loss 
upon  his  hands.  To  prevent  which,  he  cuts  and  dries 
them,  and  by  this  operation  his  capital  becomes  more  val- 
uable than  it  was  before.  First,  because  a  greater  quan- 
tity of  labor  is  condensed  into  about  one-sixth  of  its 
former  bulk,  and  about  one-tenth  of  its  former  weight. 
Second,  in  its  new  form  it  has  acquired  another  valuable 
property  by  the  additional  labor  put  upon  it,  and  that  is, 
it  will  keep  much  longer  than  before  without  danger  of 
spoiling,  by  which  the  farmer  will  be  enabled  to  dispose 
of  it  at  the  most  favorable  opportunity.  By  this  conden- 
sation the  following  advantages  are  obtained.  The  cost, 
or  labor  of  carriage  or  distribution  to  consumers  at  a  dis- 
tance from  the  farmer,  will  be  diminished  in  proportion  to 
the  condensation ;  they  will  get  the  commodity  so  much 
cheaper.  The  farmer  is  also  enabled  to  dispose  of  a 
greater  quantity  of  his  own  labor  in  exchange  for  other 
commodities  for  his  own  use ;  which,  but  for  the  conden- 
sation, he  could  not  have  enjoyed.  Hence  we  perceive, 
that  the  operation  is  beneficial  to  all  parties  concerned. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  57 

We  will  now  suppose  the  farmer  wishes  to  condense  or 
concentrate  this  dried  capital  to  a  still  greater  degree, 
how  will  he  effect  it  ?  Merely  by  exchanging  it  for  an 
equivalent  amount  of  gold  or  silver,  in  the  form  of  coin  or 
money,  which  is  the  most  condensible,  concentrative  and 
convenient  form  yet  discovered,  into  which  capital  or 
wealth  can  be  converted.  These  metals  having  properties 
or  qualities  which  no  other  substances  possess,  the  princi- 
pal of  which  are — first,  being  indestructible  by  fire;  se- 
cond, capability  of  keeping  any  length  of  time  without 
suffering  diminution  in  quantity ;  third,  capability  of  being 
divided  and  sub-divided  into  the  smallest  portions  without 
loss ;  fourth,  being  found  in  but  a  few  places,  and  in  limited 
quantities,  make  a  natural  limit  to  the  quantity  that  can 
be  produced,  which  is  not  the  case  with  any  other  product 
of  labor  :  demand  being  the  limit  of  all  other  productions. 
These  four  qualities  constitute  the  inherent,  intrinsic,  or 
natural  value  of  these  metals.  Nothing  can  be  more  ab- 
surd or  ridiculous  than  the  common  prevalent  idea,  that 
the  value  of  gold  and  silver  is  in  any  degree  whatever, 
conventional;  because,  no  despot  or  government,  no  mat- 
ter how  potent,  by  any  act  whatever,  can  impart  or  dimin- 
ish one  iota  of  those  qualities ;  and  yet  those  properties, 
inherent  in  gold  and  silver,  are  what  make  them  so  uni- 
versally sought  after.  This  is  so  true  and  so  simple,  that 
nothing  more  need  be  said  on  this  part  of  the  subject. 
Another  self-evident  truth  in  regard  to  this  matter  is,  that 
the  natural  or  intrinsic  value  of  any  thing,  can  in  no  way 
be  estimated  by  any  amount  of  labor  whatever ;  for  the 
simple  reason,  that  no  amount  of  human  labor  or  ingenuity 
whatever,  can  impart  to  any  substance  those  inherent  pro- 
perties or  qualities  in  the  smallest  degree;  much  less 
create  them.  God's  works,  or  the  elements  of  nature,  can 
never  be  correlative,  or  in  any  way  measurable,  or  can  be 
estimated  by  man's  works  or  labors,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  he  cannot  do  them.  Therefore,  they  should  never  be 
confounded  together;  by  doing  so,  the  world  has  been  filled 
with  sin,  fraud,  violence,  injustice,  ignorance,  crime  and 
misery ;  and  has  given  rise  to  those  "  paradoxical  and  un- 
natural institutions  "  by  which  the  civilized  world  is  now 
governed.  The  existence  of  the  inherent  properties  in 
gold  and  silver,  is  the  reason  why  they  have  been  made 
use  of  as  a  universal  medium  of  exchange,  and  by  which 


58  WORKING  MAN'S 

all  other  products  of  labor  have  been  valued  or  compared 
with. 

Now  the  exchangeable  or  commercial  value  of  gold  and 
silver  is  a  different  thing  altogether  from  the  intrinsic  or 
natural,  as  much  so  as  difference  can  be  between  any  two 
things  in  existence.  This  value  depends  upon  the  quan- 
tity of  labor  and  expense  required  to  disembowel  the 
metals  from  the  earth,  refine  and  put  them  into  a  useable 
or  exchangeable  form.  This  quantity  of  labor  and  ex- 
pense, therefore,  constitutes  its  cost  or  commercial  value 
as  will  be  shown  by  Mr.  Weyland's  train  of  reasoning. 
No  man  would  be  so  foolish  as  to  spend  his  time  and  labor 
in  digging  gold  and  silver  from  the  earth  for  the  purpose 
of  making  either  food  or  clothing  out  of  them,  but  it  is 
necessary  that  he  should  have  a  supply  of  both  ;  he,  how- 
ever, knows  that  the  food  and  clothing  makers  will 
give  him  the  products  of  their  labor  in  exchange  for  his 
gold  and  silver.  We  shall  use  Mr.  Weyland's  argument, 
substituting  in  place  of  the  hunter  and  fisherman,  the 
miner  and  farmer : 

"  No  one  would  be  willing  to  exchange  whai  has  cost  him  two 
days  labor,  for  that  which  has  cost  another  man  but  one  day's 
labor ;  because,  rather  than  submit  to  the  injustice  of  making  such 
an  exchange,  he  would  create  the  exchangeable  value  himself." 

(Man  can  create  no  other  kind  of  value.) 

"  Thus,  if  two  bushels  of  wheat  could  be  produced  by  one  day's 
or  twelve  hours  labor,  and  if  two  ounces  of  silver  could  be  pro- 
cured and  made  in  a  proper  form  for  use,  the  persons  engaged  in 
these  pursuits,  would  exchange  labor  for  labor,  day  for  day,  or  hour 
for  hour  ;  that  is,  one  ounce  of  silver  for  one  bushel  of wheat " 

The  cost  of  each  being  equal. 

Will  any  man  presume  to  say,  this  transaction  is  not 
just  and  equitable?  This  simple  principle  might  and 
ought  to  be  applied  to  all  transactions  common  between 
man  and  man — tLere  can  be  no  justice  among  men  with- 
out it. 

"  Cost,"  (Mr.  Weyland  tells  us,  and  that  truly,)  "forms  the 
standard  ~by  which  the  degree  of  commercial  or  exchangeable  value 
for  long  periods  of  time  (we  sumose  he  means  the  average)  is  to 
be  estimated." 


POLITICALECONOMY.  59 

"  Temporary  circumstances  may  create  a  variation  from  this 
standard,  and  may  for  a  short  time  elevate  this  value  above,  or  de- 
press it  below  the  cost.  These,  however,  can  continue  to  operate 
but  for  a  short  time,  as  the  natural  tendency  of  exchangeable 
value  is  always  to  gravitate  towards  the  cost" 

And  this  it  will  do  by  the  immutable  law  of  supply  and 
demand;  which  law  is  as  immutable  as  the  laws  which 
govern  and  regulate  the  universe,  and  would  work  justice 
TOO,  if  not  interfered  with  by  royal  usurpations,  and  unjust 
legislative  enactments.  It  has  been  proven  that  gold  and 
silver  cannot  derive  any  portion  of  its  intrinsic  or  natural 
value  by  or  from  governmental  enactments.  So  is  it  like- 
wise impossible  for  government  to  impart  any  portion  of 
the  commercial  or  exchangable  value,  (which  we  shall 
hereafter  call  PASSABLE  VALUE,)  for  the  plain  and  simple 
reason,  that  no  government  ever  did,  or  ever  will,  perform 
the  labor  necessary  to  impart  that  value.  They  have 
often  attempted  to  establish  the  passable  value  of  the 
precious  metals,  but  have  always  failed :  the  immutable 
law  of  supply  and  demand  frustrating  all  their  visionary 
calculations  and  fine  spun  theories.  And  the  reason  is 
plain  and  simple — Mr.  Weyland  gives  it:  because,  says 
he, 

"  The  natural  tendency  of  exchangable  or  passable  value  is, 
to  gravitate  toward  the  cost  of  production." 

The  reason  of  this  is  also  plain  and  easily  understood. 
It  is,  because,  when  any  article  of  commerce  will  not  ex- 
change for  the  cost  of  production,  the  maker  refrains  from 
or  quits  producing  it;  on  the  other  hand,  when  the  price  is 
above  the  cost  of  production,  an  unusual  number  of  per- 
sons rush  into  that  peculiar  business,  when  competition 
soon  restores  the  article  to  the  cost  of  production.  Thus 
every  individual  who  endeavors  to  get  before  his  fellows, 
is  met  by  competition,  which  gives  him  a  salutary  check, 
and  sends  him  back  to  wait  for  those  he  was  outrunning, 
and  himself  accumulating  his  undue  portion  of  wealth. 
The  foregoing  remarks  are  applicable  to  all  the  products 
of  labor,  not  excluding  the  precious  metals,  whether  in 
the  form  of  coin  or  not ;  because,  the  operation  of  coining 
accomplishes  nothing  more  than  to  manufacture  them 
into  definite  portions  or  pieces  of  KNOWN  WEIGHT  AND  FINE- 


60  WORKINGMAN'S 

NESS  ;  and  this  is  all  that  government  can  do  :  it  can  no 
more  put  passable  value  on  money,  nor  any  other  value, 
than  it  can  disarrange  the  universe.  Mr.  Weyland  must 
have  known  this  truth ;  it  is  not  possible  he  could  have 
been  ignorant  of  the  fact.  But  why  did  he  not  tell  us? 
The  reason  is  plain  ;  had  he  done  so,  he  would  not  have 
served  the  interest  of  the  grasping  capitalist.  He  there- 
fore shrouded  the  subject  in  mystery;  he  must  be  true  to 
his  class,  the  mass  must  be  kept  in  ignorance,  and  doomed 
to  everlasting  poverty,  for  the  purpose  (as  Mr.  Colquhoun 
says)  of  affording  to  a  favored  few,  all  the  "  riches,  refine- 
ment, comfort  and  enjoyment."  The  Rev.  Mr.  Blake,  author 
of  Political  Economy  for  the  use  of  American  Schools, 
thinks  it  would  be  very  improper  to  teach  the  poor  the 
nature  of  political  economy.  But  Mr.  Blake  has  not  the 
candor  to  tell  us  why.  This  he  leaves  for  his  friend  Mr 
Colquhoun  to  do,  who  is  more  candid. 

The  value  of  the  precious  metals  is  not  in  the  least  de- 
gree increased  by  the  process  of  coining,  because  the 
whole  expense  is  paid  out  of  the  public  revenue  of  the 
general  government ;  so  that,  whether  they  be  in  the  form 
of  coin,  or  in  bullion,  or  any  form  whatever,  any  certain 
weight  of  the  same  fineness,  will  always  bear  the  same 
passable  value.*  All  experience  and  observation  prove 
this  :  it  cannot  be  denied. 

We  will  again  take  up  Mr.  Weyland's  argument,  and 
pursue  the  subject.  Suppose  that,  by  some  cause,  the  sup- 
ply of  silver  became  moie  abundant  than  formerly,  so  that 
a  man  could  procure  by  one  day's  labor  four  ounces  of 
silver  instead  of  two,  the  farmer  would  be  unwilling  to 
exchange  as  before ;  he  would  rather  dig  it  from  the  earth 
himself.  He  (the  farmer)  would  now  demand  two  ounces 
of  silver  for  one  bushel  of  wheat,  which  would  be  the 
equivalents  of  labor;  or,  in  other  words,  the  passable 
value,  or  price  of  silver,  would  fall,  so  that  the  same 
amount  of  silver  could  not  procure  as  much  wheat  as  it 
could  before.  But,  as  in  consequence  of  this  reduction  in 
price,  there  would  be  an  increased  demand  for  silver,  that 
is,  more  persons  would  want  it,  because  cheaper;  and 
they  would  also  want  a  larger  quantity  than  before — being 
enabled  to  procure  it  by  giving  in  exchange  a  less  amount 

*  That  is,  if  produced  by  the  same  amount  of  labor. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.       .  61 

of  their  own  labor.  The  silver  miner  would  not  be  obliged 
at  first  to  exchange  at  half  the  former  rate,  but  would  be 
able  to  exchange  at  a  rate  somewhat  above  it ;  say,  per- 
haps, one  and  a  half,  or  one  and  three-fourths  ounces  for 
the  bushel  of  wheat.  Thus  we  see,  both  parties  would  be 
gainers :  the  miner  would  procure  more  wheat,  and  the 
farmer  more  silver,  by  the  same  amount  of  labor.  Thus  a 
benefit  to  one  is  a  benefit  to  all. 

And  thus  we  see  that  (other  things  being  equal)  the 
greater  the  supply  of  any  article  of  commerce,  not  exclud- 
ing money,  the  less  is  the  passable  value  :  and  the  less  the 
supply,  the  greater  is  the  exchangable  or  passable  value. 
By  this,  it  will  be  seen,  also,  that  the  greater  abundance 
of  the  products  of  labor,  produced  in  a  given  time,  the 
cheaper  they  become  ;  and  the  cheaper  they  are,  the  less 
labor  will  it  require  for  every  individual  to  supply  his 
wants.  High  prices  indicate  scarcity ;  low  prices,  abun- 
dance. If  a  community  desire,  nominally,  to  raise  the 
price  of  the  products  of  labor,  or  to  make  an  artificial 
scarcity,  the  best  plan  is  to  put  in  circulation  money  that 
represents  more  labor  than  it  costs  to  make  it.  The  advan- 
tage to  be  gained  by  this  operation  will  be,  those  that 
make  the  fictitious  money,  (who  will  be  a  select  few,  of 
course,)  will  get  in  exchange  from  the  many,  THE  FRUITS  OF 
THEIR  HARD  LABOR.  Working  men  ought  to  examine  this 
subject  critically,  so  as  to  understand  it  perfectly ;  and  if 
they  find  it  will  be  to  their  advantage,  they  ought  to  pro- 
mote the  operation ;  but,  if  not,  it  is  their  duty  to  put  it 
down. 

It  maybe  laid  down  as  an  axiom, that  the  aggregate  of 
money  in  circulation,  measures  the  value  of  all  other 
property ;  if  a  portion  of  that  circulation  consists  of  ficti- 
tious money,  all  the  products  of  labor  will  obtain  a  pro- 
portionate fictitious  value.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  to 
increase  or  decrease  the  aggregate  of  the  circulating  me- 
dium, by  any  other  means  than  by  the  introduction  of  that 
money,  which  is  the  work  of  labor,  in  proportion  to  the 
amount  of  the  money,  is  but  to  make  men  dishonest  by 
law;  because  the  effect  of  it  is  the  same  as  if  all  the 
weights  and  measures  in  the  country  had  been  altered. 
By  the  increase,  all  creditors  are  injured,  and  by  the  de- 
crease or  contraction,  all  debtors  are  plundered :  and  no 
advantages  accrue  to  any  individual  whatever,  save  and 


62  WORKING  MAN'S 

except  to  those  who  make  the  fictitious  money— the  select 
few. 

It  may  also  be  laid  down  as  an  axiom,  that  gold  and 
silver  is  as  much  bought  and  sold  by  other  things,  as  other 
things  are  bought  and  sold  by  gold  and  silver. 

We  think  it  must  be  evident  now,  to  all  who  have  care- 
fully read  the  foregoing  remarks,  that  gold  and  silver, 
whether  in  the  form  of  coin  or  not,  are  articles  of  com- 
merce, or  products  of  labor,  and  subject  to  all  the  laws  of 
trade,  to  the  immutable  law  of  supply  and  demand,  like- 
all  other  commodities :  differing  only  in  one  particular 
from  them,  which  shall  now  be  mentioned.  The  limit  of 
production,  as  respects  all  commodities,  other  than  gold 
and  silver,  is  the  full  supply  of  the  demand.  When  de- 
mand ceases,  so  also  will  production;  therefore, production 
will  always  be  in  proportion  to  the  demand.  Now,  let 
the  demand  be  ever  so  great,  there  is  always  abundant 
means  to  supply  it.  But  this  is  not  the  case  with  gold  and 
silver.  Inasmuch  as  there  is  no  limit  to  the  demand,  it  is 
necessary  that  the  production  should  be  limited  by  some- 
thing else  than  demand.  We  have  it,  then,  in  nature.  Gold 
and  silver  only  being  found  in  a  few  places  and  in  limited 
quantities,  but  few  persons  can  be  employed  in  the  produc- 
tion of  them;  therefore,  it  is  impossible  to  produce  them 
in  unlimited  quantities,  as  other  commodities  can  be.  And 
this  is  the  grand  reason  why  they  have  been  used  for  a 
universal  medium  of  exchange,  and  not  because  govern- 
ments may  have  passed  laws  enacting  that  nothing  else 
shall  be  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  They 
(gold  and  silver)  for  the  reasons  above  stated,  cannot  be 
suddenly  expanded  in  the  aggregate ;  neither  can  they  be 
suddenly  diminished  or  contracted;  because,  when  once 
produced,  they  will  last  forever  in  comparison  with  other 
products  of  labor. 

We  often  hear  it  asserted,  that  there  is  no  real  value  in 
gold  and  silver,  because  we  can  neither  eat  them  or  drink 
them. 

This  seems  a  little  plausible  at  first,  but  it  is  nothing 
but  an  argumentative  clap-trap,  intended  only  to  bewilder 
the  mind.  We  might  with  equal  propriety  say,  there  is  no 
real  value  in  bricks  and  stones,  or  in  iron,  because  we  can 
no  more  eat  them,  than  we  can  gold  and  silver. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY  63 

Wool  is  valuable  for  clothing,  nothing  answers  the  pur- 
pose better ;  mankind  have  pursued  the  same  course  in 
regard  to  all  substances ;  they  have  adapted  them  to  such 
purposes,  as  by  experience  they  were  found  to  be  most  suit- 
able for.  They  have  discovered  by  experience  that  gold  and 
silver  are  better  ad  ipted  to  the  purposes  of  a  universal 
medium  of  exchange  than  any  other  substances;  there- 
fore, have  been  so  used.  The  value  of  a  determinate 
quantity  is  no  more  conventional  than  is  a  bushel  of 
wheat,  or  a  yard  of  cloth.  All  that  is  conventional  is, 
the  weight  and  fineness  of  the  various  coins,  the  solid 
contents  of  the  bushel,  and  the  determinate  length  of  the 
yard  stick.  The  exchangable  value  of  all  the  products 
of  labor,  not  excluding  gold  and  silver,  whether  in  the 
form  of  coin  or  not,  depend,  in  the  aggregate,  upon  the 
quantity  of  labor  required  to  produce  them,  not  upon  law. 
The  greater  the  distance  between  the  place  of  production, 
and  that  of  the  consumption  of  any  commodity,  the  higher 
will  be  its  price ;  because  the  cost  of  transportation  be- 
comes a  part  of  the  cost  of  production.  There  is  really 
no  mystery  about  the  nature  of  money ;  every  man  can 
understand  it,  if  he  will ;  those  who  are  ignorant  of  it  are 
liable  to  hourly  imposition. 

We  think  we  have  proved  conclusively,  that  capital  is 
nothing  more  than  that  portion  of  the  products  of  labor 
which  remains  on  hand,  after  the  expiration  of  a  given 
time  employed  in  production. 

That,  in  order  to  preserve  some  kinds  of  capital  till 
wanted  for  consumption,  it  is  necessary  to  condense  and 
give  it  new  properties,  by  employing  an  additional  amount 
of  labor  upon  it. 

That  the  precious  metals,  in  any  form,  is  the  most  con- 
centrative  and  most  lasting  form  that  human  labor  can  be 
converted  into. 

And  that,  if  all  the  products  of  labor  of  every  kind  were 
left  free  to  competition,  without  confounding  the  natura 
value  of  the  elements  of  nature  with  human  labor,  all  ex- 
changable commodities,  will  always  gravitate  towards 
the  cost  of  production  by  the  influence  of  the  immutable 
law  of  supply  and  demand;  consequently,  the  cheaper  all 
commodities  are,  the  greater  is  the  quantity  the  producer  is 
enabled  to  secure  in  return  for  his  own  labor.  The  working 
man  ought  to  understand  this  subject  above  all  others;  his 


64  WORKING   MAN'S 

hopes  and  happiness,  and  the  welfare  of  his  offspring,  de- 
pends upon  his  havng  a  knowledge  of  it.  It  is  his  igno- 
rance of  it  that  enables  the  capitalist  to  cheat  and  gull 
him  out  of  the  fruits  of  his  hard  labor  and  toil. 

There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys ;  wait  a  little  longer ; 
justice  will  not  sleep  forever. 

"  The  wise  will  always  govern  their  own  fate, 

And  fortune  with  officious  zeal  attends 

To  crown  their  enterprizes  with  success." — PRINCE. 

To  shew  that  we  are  not  alcme  in  our  views  in  regard 
to  the  precious  metals,  we  subjoin  the  following: 

Condy  Ragtiet,  in  his  work  on  Money  and  Banking,  pub- 
lished at  Philadelphia,  in  1840,  after  taking  notice  of  the 
fact,  that,  at  several  different  periods,  the  relative  value 
between  gold  and  silver  has  varied  considerably,  notwith- 
standing their  establishment  by  law.  At  page  10,  he 
writes  thus : 

•'  The  author  believes  he  was  one  of  the  first,  if  not  the  first 
writer  in  this  country,  to  call  the  attention  of  the  public  to  this 
new  change,  and  apprehensive  at  the  time  that  the  legislative  folly 
of  attempting  to  establish  by  law,  what  nature  herself  could  not 
establish,  would  be  repeated  by  a  new  enactment,  he  urged  in 
December,  1821,  the  expediency"  (he  should  have  said  justice) 
"  of  abolishing  the  coinage  of  eagles,  and  their  fractional  parts, 
and  of  substituting  in  their  place  new  pieces,  to  weigh  respectively 
an  ounce,  a  half,  and  a  quarter  of  an  ounce  of  standard  gold,  under 
the  full  conviction  that  they  would  soon  be  introduced  into  circula- 
tion at  their  proper  equivalent,  without  involving  us  in  the  absurdity 
of  having  two  legal  tenders."  (Or  two  standards  of  value.) 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  65 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

UNPRODUCTIVE    AND    ACTIVE    CAPITAL. 

UNPRODUCTIVE  capital,  Mr.  Wayland  thus  enumerates : 
f<  Money  lying  in  coffers,  materials  unsaleable,  manufac- 
tures unoccupied,  and  land  lying  waste"  Now,  we  deny 
that  land,  either  under  cultivation,  or  lying  waste,  can  be 
capital  at  all;  for  the  simple  reason,  that/<2?id  is  not  a  pro- 
duct of  human  labor  ;  therefore,  not  capital.  The  first  three 
items,  we  admit,  are  unproductive  capital ;  and  we  shall 
take  occasion  to  add  a  few  more,  to  wit :  worn  out  cloth- 
ing, ships  laid  up  in  dry  dock,  tenantless  houses,  negro- 
chattel  slaves,  dead  or  without  employment,  worn  out 
machinery,  &c. 

Chattel  slaves  are  a  peculiar  form  of  the  slaveholder's 
capital,  no  one  will  deny.  There  are  several  objections 
to  this  form  of  capital ;  first,  the  positive  expenditure  of 
capital  in  some  other  form,  perhaps  in  gold  or  silver,  or 
perhap;;  a  number  of  bales  of  cotton ;  second,  the  risks 
which  attend  this  form  of  capital,  by  the  slaves  being 
subject  to  sickness  and  death ;  third,  the  responsibility  of 
the  master,  in  being  obliged  to  furnish  food  and  clothing 
to  his  slaves,  whether  they  work  or  play ;  in  fact,  his  own 
self-interest  will  prompt  him  to  do  it,  in  order  to  keep 
them  in  a  healthy  working  condition  ;  fourth,  the  obliga- 
tion of  the  slaveholder,  when  his  slaves  are  diseased  or 
worn  out  by  age  and  toil,  to  maintain  and  furnish  them  at 
least  with  some  kind  of  a  homestead.  In  view  of  the  last 
two  objections,  it  will  be  seen  that  capital  in  the  form  of 
slavery  is  not  only  unproductive,  but  is  likewise  consum- 
ing capital.  Now,  all  that  the  slaveholder  can  accom- 
plish is,  to  secure  to  his  own  use  and  proprietorship  that 
portion  of  his  slaves'  labor,  which  remains  after  their 
maintenance — nothing  more. 

After  all,  it  is  but  one  of  the  various  schemes  invented, 
by  which  the  many  might  be  kept  in  poverty,  so  that  a 
few  (in  the  benevolent  language  of  Mr.  Colquhoun)  might 
obtain  all  the  riches,  all  the  refinements,  all  the  comforts, 


66  WORKING   MAN'S 

all  the  enjoyments  1    And  it  is  as  just  to  obtain  this  end 
by  one  means  as  another.    Who  will  say  to  the  contrary  ? 

PRODUCTIVE    OR    ACTIVE    CAPITAL. 

Political  economists  have  much  more  to  say  on  this  part  of 
the  subject  than  any  other ;  perhaps  more  than  all  the  other 
parts  united.  But  we  utterly  deny  the  possibility  of  the 
existence  of  any  F'ich  thing ! !  because  the  activity  and 
productiveness  of  which  they  palaver  and  prattle  so  much 
about,  does  not  exist  in  the  capital,  per  sc,  at  all,  but  in 
the  bone,  sinew  and  life  blood  of  human  beings,  the  obe- 
dient living  tools  of  the  capitalist — those  poverty-stricken 
beings,  who  have  been  stolen  from  their  own  land,  or  have 
had  their  land  stolen  from  them,  who  are  necessary  to 
exist  in  society,  for  the  purpose  (as  Mr.  Colquhoun  beau- 
tifully expresses,  in  the  fulness  of  his  benevolent  heart,)  to 
jurnish  riches,  refinements,  comforts  and  enjoyments  for  their 
idle  lordly  masters — the  favored  few. 

All  that  capital  can  do  in  the  premises  is,  after  purchas- 
ing, or  having  found  a  human  being  iii  a  state  of  poverty 
and  dependence,  made  so  by  the  injustice  of  society  in 
depriving  him  of  his  birth-right  in  the  soil,  ar.id  other 
wrong  doings,  to  supply  a  little  fuel  to  set  him  to  spinning 
out  property  for  the  sole  use  of  his  master,  the  capitalist, 
he  (the  capitalist  allowing  only  a  sufficiency  to  keep  up 
the  requisite  supply  of  fuel  to  keep  him  in  action,  as  de- 
scribed in  the  5th  chapter  of  this  work — which  see. 

By  this  improved  system  of  free  slavery,  or  free  labor,  as 
generally  called,  and  is  practised  to  perfection  in  our 
large  factories,  all  those  four  objections  above  mentioned, 
are  entirely  obviated. 

First.  There  is  no  expenditure  made  by  the  capitalist, 
to  entitle  him  to  the  use  of  this  property-making-man- 
machine ;  he  finds  his  victim  at  once  in  his  power,  without 
the  necessity  of  expending  any  capital  in  order  to  get 
possession  of  him. 

Second.  In  the  free  slave  system,  the  capitalist  runs  no 
risk  in  the  sickness  or  death  of  his  slave  ;  he  has  no  medi- 
cine to  furnish,  no  doctor's  bill  to  pay,  no  funeral  expenses  ; 
in  short,  he  has  no  interest  at  stake  whatever;  he  can  at 
any  moment  abandon  his  victim,  and  consign  him  to  ever- 
lasting poverty  and  wretchedness,  though  he  devoted  the 
or  J 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  67 

best  days  of  his  life  to  the  service  of  his  master ;  he  is  cast 
aside  with  as  much  sang  froid,  and  with  about  as  much 
feeling,  too,  as  if  he  were  a  worn  out  steam  engine,  or  an 
old  and  useless  grindstone.  Such  is  the  fate  of  the  free 
laborer,  and  such  the  advantage  of  the  free  slave  capitalist, 
over  the  chattel  slave  capitalist. 

Third.  The  free  labor  capitalist  is  under  no  obligation 
to  furnish  food  and  raiment,  when  unable  to  furnish  his 
slave  with  employment,  nor  a  homestead  either ;  neither 
will  his  interest  prompt  him  to  do  it,  but  may  turn  him 
into  the  street  without  a  home,  or  a  place  to  lay  his  head, 
to  beg,  to  starve,  or  to  steal ;  neither  does  he  suffer  loss  by 
the  death  of  his  victim,  as  the  chattel  slave  capitalist  does  : 
he  can  find  plenty  more  on  the  same  cheap  and  easy 
terms. 

Fourth.  Under  the  free  slave  system,  the  capitalist  is 
under  no  obligation  to  make  provision  for  his  old  and 
worn  out  slave,  upon  whose  labor  and  toil  he  has  grown 
rich,  and  perhaps  proud,  save  and  except  in  the  form  of  a 
poor-house ;  and  if  he  presume  to  take  advantage  of  this 
provision,  Mr.  Ware  (a  gentleman  who  has  been  mention- 
ed in  this  work)  says,  he  ought  to  be  "  killed  off,  that  so- 
ciety might  get  rid  of  such  excresences,  and  cast  off  such 
burdens."  To  take  refuge  in  a  poor-house,  is  held  de- 
grading by  all  classes  of  community,  and  is  revolting  to 
the  feelings  of  one  in  whose  heart  yet  lingers  one  spark 
of  the  fire  of  manhood;  and  to  propose  which,  is  an  insult 
to  any  man  of  conscious  integrity,  and  proper  self-respect; 
the  mere  idea  is  too  loathsome  to  be  endured. 

In  England,  where  the  pool  house  system  has  been  car- 
ried out  to  the  highest  degree  of  perfection,  history  in- 
forms us,  that  the  inmates  discovered  chat  che  fare  in  the 
common  jails  was  much  superior  to  that  of  the  poor- 
houses.  The  consequence  was,  the  paupers  preferred 
stealing,  in  order  to  become  entitled  to  the  privilege  of  en- 
tering a  common  jail,  in  preference  to  a  poor  house;  be- 
cause they  were  better  used  and  better  fed.  When  this 
was  discovered  by  the  patrons  of  charity  and  benevolence, 
it  was  decided  that  the  usage  in  the  jails  should  be  more 
rigorous,  and  the  common  fare  reduced,  so  that  paupers 
might  have  a  less  motive  to  steal  than  to  go  to  the  poor 
houses.  Such  are  the  fruits  of  charity  and  benevolence. 
These  facts  will  be  found  in  "  Lester's  Condition  and  Fate 
of  England." 


68  WORKING     MAN'S 

We  now  propose  a  few  questions  for  the  serious  con- 
sideration of  those  persons  whose  sympathies  are  so  sensi- 
tive in  regard  to  the  injustice  of  negro  slavery.  First, 
would  the  condition  of  the  negro  be  improved  by  giving 
him  nominal  freedom,  yet  withholding  from  him  his  right 
to  the  soil  ?  Second,  would  any  capitalist  purchase  slaves, 
if  he  possessed  no  more  land  than  his  own  just  portion; 
and  every  other  man  had  his  ?  Third,  suppose  the  negroes 
emancipated,  would  they  not  emigrate  to  the  free  States, 
and  come  in  direct  competition  with  free  laborers,  and 
thereby  reduce  the  wages  of  all,  especially  while  the  right 
to  the  soil  was  denied  to  all?  Nothing  could  prevent  such 
a  result.  Fourth,  therefore,  so  long  as  the  working  man 
of  the  North  is  denied  the  freedom  of  the  soil,  just  so  long 
is  it  not  his  most  vital  interest  to  resist  the  progress  of  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves  of  the  South  ?  Working  men, 
think  seriously  of  this  :  do  not  be  gulled. 

Although  the  question  of  slavery  has  almost  dissolved 
the  Union,  it  has  excited  the  bitterest  sectional  animosities ; 
has  thrown  the  whole  country  into  commotion,  all  classes 
have  entered  the  arena  of  contention ;  Christian  churches 
have  been  set  in  hostile  array,  broken  up  and  dissolved. 
And  yet,  after  all,  if  we  but  carefully  and  dispassionately 
analyze  the  subject,  we  shall  find  that  all  the  real  elements 
that  enter  into  the  question,  the  very  prima  mobile,  are 
nothing  more  than  the  jealousies  and  contentions  of  North- 
ern and  Southern  capitalists — the  Northern  white  slave 
driver  and  the  Southern  black  slave  driver.  The  Northern 
capitalist  is  jealous  that  his  Southern  fellow-citizen  should 
be  permitted  to  vote  at  the  ballot-box,  in  lieu  of  his  posi- 
tive black  slaves;  while  the  latter  is  jealous  that  the 
former  should  be  permitted  "  to  cajole  and  flatter"  or  by 
compulsion,  cause  his  nominal  free  laborers  to  vote  in 
conjunction  with  him.  The  whole  subject  may  be  con- 
densed in  the  following  simple  question. 

Which  is  the  best  and  most  certain  scheme,  by  which 
the  wealth  producers  of  all  colors,  may  be  plundered  of 
the  greatest  amount  of  the  products  of  labor  in  a  given 
time  ?  also,  which  plan  will  afford  the  most  safety  and 
security  to  the  capitalist?  This  is  the  whole  cream  of  the 
matter. 

The  American  slavery  and  anti-slavery  question,  is  about 
as  important  to  the  working  classes  of  this  country,  as  the 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  QQ 

great  division  of  British  politics,  "  the  landed  interest  and 
the  moneyed  interest,"  is  to  the  operatives  of  Great  Bri- 
tain ;  which,  in  plain  English,  means  this :  which  shall 
have  the  power  best  secured  by  law,  to  plunder  the  pro- 
ducers of  wealth  to  the  greatest  extent :  the  LANDLORD  OR 

THE    MONEY    LORD  ? 

A  very  important  matter,  indeed,  for  the  poor,  plundered 
victims  to  contend  about ! !  Equally  so  is  the  slavery 
question  to  the  working  classes  of  the  United  States.  In 
this  chapter  we  have  shown  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as 
active  or  productive  capital,  but  in  the  form  of  chattel 
slavery.  The  pseudo  free  labor  and  chattel  slavery  systems 
have  been  compared — the  advantages  and  disadvantages 
of  both  been  considered.  It  now  remains  for  the  working 
man  to  decide  which  system  is  the  best  to  suffer  under,  or 
to  be  free, 

<But,  working  men,  would  it  not  be  better  for  us  to  let 
'those  gentlemen  capitalists  fight  out  their  own  battles  ?  It 
is  but  a  small  business  for  us  to  meddle  with.  We  have  a 
'higher  and  a  juster,  and  a  more  righteous  duty  to  perform; 
and  that  is,  to  cause  man  to  have  restored  to  him  those 
natural  and  inalienable  rights,  of  which  unjust  govern- 
ments have  cruelly  deprived  him. 

Therefore,  let  us  strike  for  the  freedom  of  the  public 
lands,  and  the  inalienability  of  every  man's  homestead. 
Do  this,  and  you  pave  the  way  for  the  attainment  of  such 
a  state  of  freedom,  happiness  and  security,  as  man  has 
never  yet  enjoyed  :  neither  rich  nor  poor. 


70  .       WORKING   MAN'S 


CHAPTER  IX. 

DEBASING    THE    CIRCULATING    MEDIUM. 

IT  has  been  shewn,  in  chapter  6th,  that  money  and  all 
other  commodities,  which  are  the  only  just  subjects  of 
commerce,  derive  their  passable  or  commercial  value 
from  the  quantity  of  labor  required  to  produce  them;  or,  in 
other  words,  from  the  cost  of  production.  The  cost  of  pro- 
duction would  be  the  limit  of  price,  if  the  operations  of 
mankind  had  not  been  interfered  with  by  the  usurpations 
of -governments,  but  left  to  the  perfect  freedom  of  compe- 
tition, and  the,  immutable  law  of  supply  and  demand:  be- 
cause, in  this  case,  all  the  products  of  labor  would  always 
gravitate  to  the -cost  of  production.  But  to  prevent  such  a 
result,  tyrannical  Princes  and  sovereign  States  have 
brought  to  their  aid,  all  the  power  that  avarice,  cupidity, 
fraud  and  injustice  could  suggest,  or  ingenuity  contrive. 

They  have  not  hesitated  to  commit  the  most  glaring 
outrages  with  perfect  impunity ;  and  had  such  acts  as  they 
have  been  guilty  of  been  committed  by  a  private  indi- 
vivual,  those vsame  Princes  would  have  cast  him  into  a 
dungeon,  or  perhaps,  have  strangled  him  on  a  gallows, 
chopped  off  his  head,  or  burned  him  at  the  stake. 

The  first  instance  we  shall  mention  of  the  kind,  is  that 
of  Charles  XII.,  King  of  Sweden. 

At  a  period  of  great  difficulty,  when  much  in  want  of 
funds,  he  borrowed  a  large  amount  of  money  from  various 
persons,  which  he  took  to  the  royal  mint,  and  had  it  re- 
duced one  half;  that  is,  putting  but  half  the  former  quan- 
tity of  silver  in  each  denomination  of  coin ;  at  the  same 
time  making  a  law  that  the  adulterated  or  diminished  coin 
should  be  of  the  same  exchangable  value  as  before; 
therefore,  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts.  He  also 
made  it  criminal  to  pass  or  circulate  the  old  coin,  under 
severe  pains  and  penalties ;  in  other  words,  made  it  a 
crime  to  be  honest.  Now,  the  King  not  only  acted  the 
part  of  a  robber  himself,  but  made  every  debtor  in  his 
kingdom  a  robber  also,  and  every  creditor  a  victim  to  his 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  71 

cruel  injustice.  The  consequence  was,  that  when  the 
new  coin  got  into  circulation,  this  honest  King  was  obliged 
to  give  his  soldiers  double  the  former  pay,  or  they  could 
not  live,  because  all  other  commodities  had  risen  to 
double  the  former  price  ;  because  the  value  put  upon  the 
coin  was  but  nominal,  and  was  an  attempt,  by  royal  edict, 
to  make  it  represent  more  labor  than  the  cost  of  produc- 
tion ;  in  other  words,  a  check  to  competition  :  but  the  im- 
mutable law  of  supply  and  demand  frustrated  all  his  in- 
genious calculations.  We  admit  that  he  succeeded  in 
robbing  the  people  of  half  the  amount  borrowed,  but  he 
had  better  have  taken  it  by  positive  force,  as  the  illegal 
robber  does;  then  he  would  not  have  involved  his  inno- 
cent subjects  in  his  own  guilty  practices:  he  would  have 
stood  alone  in  his  guilt. 

King  Charles  has  not  been  alone  in  this  worse  than  high- 
way robbery;  for  Adam  Smith  tells  us,  that,  originally,  the 
English  pound  sterling  was  really  one  pound  troy  of  silver 
of  a  determinate  fineness,  and  that  a  shilling  was  one- 
twentieth  of  a  ponnd,  and  a  penny  the  one-twentieth  of 
an  ounce  of  silver,  or  one  two  hundred  and  fortieth  part 
of  a  pound — hence  the  word  penny  weight.  A  crown, 
which  is  five  shillings,  or  one-fourth  of  a  pound,  must  have 
weighed  three  ounces.  Further,  Mr.  Smith  tells  us,  that 
the  coins  were  used  as  standard  weights,  for  the  practical 
purpose  of  weighing  such  articles  of  commerce  as  was 
usual  to  sell  by  weight.  But  this  system  was  too  simple  ; 
too  easily  understood  by  the  mass  of  the  people.  And 
here  we  take  occasion  to  assert,  that  in  order  to  establish 
an  equitable  system  of  commerce,  all  that  is  necessary  to 
do,  would  be  to  make  but  one  kind  of  metal  (silver  would 
be  most  convenient)  the  standard  .of  value.  Then  make 
the  denominations  of  coin  correspond  with  the  standard 
weights,  by  which  all  other  commodities  might  be  weighed, 
so  that  the  money  might  be  used  for  practical  weights. 
But  to  perfect  this  system,  it  will  be  necessary  to  restore 
man  to  his  natural  right  in  the  soil,  and  abolish  all  govern- 
mental checks  to  competition  :  also,  all  laws  which  recog- 
nize money,  or  rather  labor  value,  in  the  elements  of 
nature.  If  all  this  were  done,  we  should  like  to  be  shown 
in  what  way  or  manner  any  man  could  become  entitled 
to  the  products  of  labor,  without  himself  performing  the 
proper  amount  of  labor,  in  order  to  obtain  them,  except 
by  stealing,  or  robbing  his  fellows. 


72  WORKING  MAN'S 

A  system  of  commerce,  not  deviating  very  far  from  what 
has  just  been  proposed,  once,  no  doubt,  existed ;  but  it  was 
too  honest,  too  just,  too  simple,  and  too  easily  understood  by 
the  people,  to  accord  with  the  rapacity  and  short-sighted 
selfishness  of  those  cunning  few  who  have  heretofore  con- 
trolled the  destinies  of  mankind.  Therefore  it  was  aban- 
doned for  one  better  suited  to  their  purposes, — one  full  of 
mystery,  delusion  and  contradiction,  and,  as  Mr.  Paley  calls 
it,  "unnatural  and  paradoxical"  For  what?  Why,  that  a 
lordly  few  might  monopolize  all  "  the  riches,  all  the  refine- 
ment, all  the  comforts,  and  all  the  enjoyments, — a  code  of 
laws,  which,  Mr.  Blackstone  says,  "  it  would  be  well  if  the 
mass  of  mankind  would  obey,  without  scrutinizing  too  nicely 
into  the  reasons  of  making  them"  Mr,  Smith  pursues  the 
subject  further,  and  says : 

"In  every  country  of  the  world,  I  believe,  the  avarice  and  in- 
justice of  princes  and  sovereign  States  abusing  the  confidence  of 
their  subjects,  have,  by  degrees,  diminished  the  real  quantity  of 
metal  which  had  been  originally  contained  in  their  coins.  The 
Roman  As,  in  the  latter  ages  of  the  republic,  was  reduced  to  the 
twenty-fourth  part  of  its  original  value,  [he  should  have  said 
weight,]  and,  instead  of  weighing  a  pound,  came  to  weigh  only 
half  an  ounce!" 

By  the  same  swindling  operation,  the  pound  sterling  of 
Great  Britain  (which  once  contained  one  pound  troy,) 
has  been  reduced  to  about  one-third  of  its  original  weight, 
a  pound  sterling  weighing,  at  this  time,  but  little  over  four 
ounces. 

It  must  be  evident  to  all  who  understand  the  foregoing 
remarks,  that,  at  this  hour,  an  ounce  of  silver  will  not  pur- 
chase one  iota  more  of  the  products  of  labor,  than  if  those 
royal  and  lordly  crimes  had  not  been  perpetrated ;  but  the 
people  were  plundered,  which  was  all  they  intended. 
Those  royal  swindlers,  in  order  to  reconcile  the  people  to 
such  acts  of  injustice,  said  they  did  so  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  the  value  of  money,  and  to  prevent  its  being  ex- 
ported from  the  country.  Now,  this  pretext  was  nothing 
more  than  an  ingenious  clap-trap,  to  gull  the  ignorant,  as 
they  well  knew  that  the  acts  of  which  they  were  guilty 
could  never  accomplish  either  of  those  ends. 

We  suppose  that  it  was  at  the  time  when  one  of  those  plun- 
dering operations  was  being  perpetrated  that  Justice  was 


POLITICALECONOMY.  73 

blindfolded,  to  prevent  her  from  perceiving  on  which  side 
her  scales  would  preponderate.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  well 
to  explain  the  nature  of,  and  the  reason  for,  the  alteration 
of  the  gold  coin  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year  1833, 
which  we  shall  attempt  to  do  in  a  very  brief  manner. 
Previous  to  the  revolution  in  South  America,  the  exchang- 
able  value  between  gold  and  silver  was  as  one  to  fifteen, 
or  one  ounce  of  gold  was  equal  to  fifteen  of  silver.  Af- 
ter,, or  during  the  Revolution,  a  much  greater  amount 
of  silver  than  formerly  was  produced  in  the  same  amount 
of  time,  and  circulated  over  the  commercial  world,  while 
the  production  of  gold  remained  about  the  same  as  usual. 
The  consequence  \vas,  that  the  relative  value  between  the 
two  metals  was  disturbed,  in  the  commercial  world.  Sil- 
ver had  become  more  abundant ;  people  could  obtain  the 
same  quantity  by  a  less  quantity  of  their  own  productions ; 
in  other  words,  at  less  cost  of  labor :  therefore,  would  be  wil- 
ling to  give  proportionately  more  silver  for  an  ounce  of 
gold  than  formerly.  Competition  under  the  immutable 
law  of  supply  and  demand,  had  settled  the  exchangable 
value  thus:  one  ounce  of  gold  equal  (in  cost  of  produc- 
tion,) to  sixteen  ounces  of  silver. 

Now,  all  that  government  did  in  the  ease,  was,  to  adjust 
the  gold  coin  so  that  one  ounce  of  gold  coin  should  count  as 
many  dollars  as  sixteen  ounces  of  silver.  It  would  not  have 
been  necessary  to  have  done  this,  if  the  coins  had  been  the 
standard  weights  of  the  country,  as  we  shall  show. 

Suppose  the  dollar  had  contained  one  ounce  of  silver, 
and  what  is  called  the  eagle  had  contained  one  ounce  of 
gold,  everybody  would,  at  all  times,  be  enabled  to  under- 
stand and  detect  most  of  the  trickery  and  artifice  of  com- 
merce. In  the  case  just  supposed,  when  the  influx  of  sil- 
ver had  taken  place,  the  weight  of  the  coin  would  not 
have  been  altered,  but  people  would  merely  have  given 
sixteen  dollars  for  one  eagle,  instead  of  fifteen,  as  they  did 
before  the  influx.  This  thing  is  very  simple,  and  easily 
understood,  if  we  will  but  examine  for  ourselves.  Simple 
as  the  act  was,  (just  alluded  to,)  and  necessary  as  it  was 
for  public  convenience,  yet  the  demagogues  of  the  day  took 
occasion  to  make  it  a  rich  source  of  political  capital,  by 
endeavoring  to  make  the  people  believe,  that,  in  its  nature 
and  consequences,  it  was  similar  to  those  acts  of  robbery 
so  often  committed  by  unjust  monarchical  despots  and 


74 

venal  legislators,  though  they  well  knew  it  to  be  other- 
wise, and  as  different  as  difference  can  be  between  any 
two  things.  But  those  demagogues  had  an  object  in  view ; 
the  interests  of  capital  must  be  served ;  a  bone  of  conten- 
tion must  be  thrown  among  the  honest  intentioned  people, 
to  engage  their  attention;  while,  at  the  same  time,  a  com- 
bination of  the  capitalists  of  the  country  was  effected,  by 
means  of  which,  the  circulating  medium  of  the  country  was 
debased  to  a  much  greater  extent  than  any  despotic  monarc/i 
ever  yet  dared  to  do;  but  by  a  more  cunningly  devised  ope- 
ration. 

The  producers  of  wealth  were  "cajoled  and  flattered"; 
the  prices  of  the  farmer's  productions  were  to  be  raised ; 
likewise,  the  wages  of  the  mechanic  and  laborer  were  to 
be  doubled ;  and  so  they  were ;  but  it  never  occurred  to 
those  honest-hearted  producers,  that  those  high  prices 
which  they  received,  and  for  which  they  gave  in  exchange 
the  fruits  of  their  hard  labor  and  toil,  cost  the  payers  (com- 
paratively) nothing.  Truly,  the  capitalist  may  well  afford 
to  give  high  prices  and  high  wages,  when  the  money  with 
which  he  pays  them  costs  nothing  to  make! I 

The  vocation  of  the  king  and  the  capitalist  has  always 
been  the  same, — namely,  that  of  cheating  or  robbing  the 
producers  of  wealth  of  the  just  reward  for  their  labor  and 
toil.  This  has  been  accomplished  principally  by  two  modes. 

First.  By  monopolizing  the  land  which  was  the  free 
gift  of  God  to  all  men,  thereby  making  it  a  subject  of  bar- 
gain and  sale ;  although  Mr.  Blackstone  tells  us,  "  there  is 
no  foundation  in  nature  or  natural  law,  why  a  set  of  words  upon 
parchment  should  convey  the  dominion  of  land" 

Second.  By  making  things  represent  more  labor  than 
it  costs  to  produce  them;  by  the  means  of  arbitrary  gov- 
ernmental checks  to  the  operation  of  free  competition. 

We  now  ask, — First.  What  is  the  grand  object  of  all 
those  checks  to  competition?  Answer.  That  the  mass  of 
the  people  may  be  kept  in  want,  poverty  and  wretched- 
ness, and  a  cunning,  crafty  few,  secure  to  themselves  "all 
the  riches,  all  the  refinement,  all  the  comfort,  all  the  enjoyment"* 
Second.  What  kind  of  laws  are  necessary  to  produce 
such  desirable  ends?  Answer.  Those  which  are  "very 
paradoxical  and  unnatural"  f  Such  a  code,  that  it  would  be 
unwise  to  let  t/ie  poor  understand  or  comprehend.  J  A  code 
*  Colquhoun.  t  Paley.  %  Blake. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY  75 

"  which  the  mass  of  mankind  ought  to  obey,  without  inquiring 
teo  nicely  into  the  reasons  of  making  them" " 

Now,  fellow  producers,  such  authority  and  testimony  as 
We  here  give  you,  is  of  so  respectable  a  character  as  to  be 
irre  sistible,  and  is  a  collection  of  gems  you  should  never 
forget. 

We  now  lay  down  as  an  axiom,  that  any  political  meas- 
ure which  has  for  its  object  the  building  up  of  the  capital- 
ist, or  is  to  enable  him  to  give  greater  wages  than  he 
could  or  would  do  without  it  is  proof  sufficient  that  it  is 
one  of  those  par  adoxical  and  unnatur  al  checks  to  free 
competition,  by  wnich  the  producers  are  "cajoled  and  flat- 
tered" out  of  the  just  rewards  for  their  labor.  Because  it 
is  not  so  much  the  great  quantity  of  wealth  produced  in  a 
community  that  produces  the  most  happiness  and  pros- 
perity among  the  mass  of  people,  as  it  is  when  there  is  the 
most'equality  in  its  distribution.  Now,  a  special  privilege 
of  any  kind  granted  to  the  rich,  has  a  contrary  effect:  it 
creates  a  still  greater  disparity  between  the  rich  and  the 
poor,  than  there  was  before.  It  is  in  perfect  accordance 
with  that  old  aristocratic  maxim,  "  Government  ought  to 
take  care  of  the  rich,  that  they  may  be  better  able  to  take 
care  of  the  poor."  Yes,  they  will  take  care  of  the  poor; 
and  Mr.  Colquhoun  tells  us  how, — the  mass,  or  the  major- 
ity, must  be  made  poor,  so  that  a  few  may  secure  the  fruits 
of  the  poor  man's  industry.  Therefore,  whenever  the 
working  mjr  votes  at  the  ballot  box,  his  interest  requires 
him  to  examine  well  the  nature  of  all  the  measures  he 
votes  for,  and  take  care  he  does  not  forge  chains  for  him- 
self to  wear,  or  dig  a  pit  for  himself  to  fall  in.  Such  things 
have  been  done,  am1  may  be  done  again.  Never  vote  for 
special  privileges  for  any  parties  whatever,  as  they  are  all 
violations  of  right,  and  arbitrary  checks  to  free  competi- 
tion, which  prevent  the  pioducts  of  labor  from  gravitating 
to  the  cost  of  production,  as  they  ought  to  do.  Because,  in 
proportion  as  the  products  of  labor  are  left  free  to  the  ope- 
ration of  supply  and  demand,  they  become  cheaper;  con- 
sequently, every  consumer  obtains  them  in  exchange  for  a 
less  amount  of  his  own  time  or  labor. 

Sometimes  despotic  princes,  in  order  to  gratify  their 
avarice,  cupidity  and  rapacity,  have  imposed  a  heavy  tax 
or  tariff  on  the  mines  producing  the  precious  metals,  in- 
stead of  debasing  the  coin. 

*  Blackstone 


76 

After  Mexico  had  been  conquered  by  the  Spaniards,  his- 
tory inform  us,  no  less  than  one-half  of  the  whole  produce 
was  exacted  by  the  king,  though  it  was  much  reduced  sub- 
sequently. The  "  modus  operandi"  is  somewhat  different 
from  that  of  debasing  the  coin ;  is  more  "  secundum  artem  " , 
a  little  more  ingenious;  not  so  easily  understood  by  the 
mass;  but  not  a  whit  more  probono  publico.  The  result 
is  precisely  the  same, — the  mass  of  the  people  are  imposed 
upon,  and  the  honest  producer  is  cheated  out  of  the  fruits 
of  his  industry,  so  that  one  man,  or  a  few,  may  live  in  idle- 
ness, pomp  and  splendor,  while  the  mass  are  doomed  to 
never-ceasing  toil.  In  short,  it  is  a  scheme  by  which  the 
products  of  labor  are  made  to  cost  the  public  more  labor  tlian 
is  required  to  produce  them,  and,  in  the  case  just  mentioned, 
to  double  the  amount.  Now,  this  operation  is  nothing 
more  nor  less  than  a  development  of  that  far-famed,  false- 
ly-called principle  of  protection,  by  the  mystification  of 
vhich,  "political  demagogues  (as  Judge  Hall  says,)  are 
enabled  to  cajole  and  flatter  the  agricultural  and  laboring 
classes,  to  *heir  own  injury,  because  they  are  the  most  nu- 
merous, and  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot  box. 

The  party  which  is  protected,  in  the  above  case  of  the 
mines,  is  the  king.  In  the  case  of  the  British  corn  laws,  it 
is  the  land  lord.  In  the  case  of  manufactures  in  any  coun- 
try, it  is  the  capitalist  or  money  lord  only.  But,  in  what 
manner  the  mass  of  the  people  are  beneh'tted  by  a  scheme 
which  compels  them  to  give  more  labor  in  exchange  for 
things  than  is  necessary  to  produce  them,  remains  yet  to 
be  explained. 

Humble  and  obscure  as  our  position  is  in  society,  we  do 
not  hesitate  to  challenge  and  defy  all  the  political  econo- 
mists in  the  world  to  disprove  or  refute  the  correctness  01 
this  explanation.  Working  men,  it  is  your  interest  to 
look  into  this  matter.  Open  your  eyes,  your  ears,  and  your 
understandings. 

If,  in  the  place  of  Judge  Hall,  an  honest  feeling  man ;  a 
good  practical  Christian ;  one  in  whose  heart  there  was  no 
guile ;  who  was  willing  to  do  unto  others  as  he  would  that 
others  should  do  unto  him;  that  is,  give  an  equal  amount 
of  ftis  own  labor  in  exchange  for  that  of  another  man's ; 
might  be  allowed  to  make  a  public  speech,  he  might,  with 
much  appearance  of  truth,  say  something  like  what  fol- 
lows. After  quoting  some  passages  from  "Judge  Hall's 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  77 

address,"  which  may  be  found  in  the  latter  part  of  the  sixth 
chapter  of  this  work,  then  say : 

Farmers,  mechanics  and  laborers!  you  that  create  all 
the  wealth  of  the  world,  not  even  excepting  its  capital, 
(for  this,  also,  is  but  the  work  of  your  hands,)  do  you  per- 
ceive with  what  contempt  ard  indifference  these  self- 
styled  princes,  these  devotees  to  the  interests  of  capital, 
look  upon  you,  and  how  they  estimate  your  services  ?  Do 
you  see  with  what  pomp,  arrogance,  and  self-complacency, 
those  "  business  men  of  community  "  put  forth  their  own 
pre-eminence,  dignity,  usefulness,  power  and  importance  ? 
Do  you  perceive  how  cunningly  the  honest  merchant  is  ,  \ 
coupled  with  the  banker  and  broker?  If  you  do,  reflect. 

When  these  disinterested  gentlemen  wish  to  obtain  spe- 
cial privileges  from  government,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
working  classes  especially,  and  for  the  public  generally, 
(not  themselves,  by  any  means,)  by  which  they  can  make 
all  things  (that  are  to  be  bought  or  sold,)  represent  more 
labor  or  money  than  it  costs  to  produce  them ;  when  they 
want  the  power  of  drawing  from  the  public,  revenue  from 
their  own  debts ;  when  they  propose  to  debase  the  circula- 
ting medium  of  the  country,  by  mixing  with  it  money 
which  costs  nothing  to  make ;  or,  when  they  want  the 
power  of  making  things  cost  the  public  more  money  or 
labor  than  is  required  to  produce  them, — when  these  gen- 
tlemen are  seeking  the  above  named  powers,  what  is  their 
practice,  the  modus  operandi  ? 

The  answer  is  best  given,  partly  in  the  Judge's  own 
words :  "  Under  the  influence  of  that  fell  spirit  of  dema- 
gogueism,  which  has  swept  over  the  land"  like  a  blighting 
curse  on  the  interests  of  industry,  "  it  has  become  fashion- 
able to  flatter  the  "  agricultural  and  laboring  classes"  with 
high  prices  for  pork,  for  wheat,  and  hard  labor,  in  prom- 
ises to  pay  which  cost  nothing  to  make,  "because  they  are 
the  movt  numerous,  and  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot 
boxes,  while  a  systematic  effort  is  made  to  trumpet  forth 
the  pre-eminent  dignity  and  indispensable  usefulness  of 
banking,  and  of  shaving  the  mass  of  the  people  of  the 
fruits  of  their  industry. 

We  are  told  that  our  very  liberty,  and  the  prosperity  of 
the  country  depends  alone  upon  the  disinterested  opera- 
tions of  the  banker  and  broker.  Millions  of  false  money 
is  scattered  among  the  people.  Gre at  raree  shows  are  got 


78          ,  ...WORKING     MAN'S 

'up,  and  processions  in  pompous  array,  with  flags,  with 
banners,  inscribed  with  all  manner  of  cunning  devices, 
bands  of  music,  displays  of  eloquence;  in  short,  everything 
that  is  calculated  to  captivate  the  ignorant  and  unthink- 
ing, is  summoned  to  aid  in  this  general  commotion,  and, 
in  the  midst  of  this  wild  delirium,  are  marshalled  forth  to 
the  ballot  boxes,  for  the  purpose  of  building  up  the  banker 
and  broker.  But,  in  the  sequel  of  this  mighty  effort,  the 
great  monied  monster  is  broken  up,  and  its  funds  scattered 
to  the  winds;  and  the  people  find  in  their  hands  many  mil- 
lions, not  of  dollars,  but  of  worthless,  lying,  broken  prom- 
ises "to  pay."  To  command  a  proper  degree  of  respect 
and  veneration  from  the  working  classes,  or,  as  the  cele- 
brated Hamilton  would  call  them,  "  the  swinish  multitude/' 
they  are  told  of  the  mighty  doings  of  those  self-styled 
princes;  "how  they  own  all  the  mighty  navies  of  the 
world;  how  they  control  all  its  wealth;  that  they  are  the 
arbiters  of  war  and  peace ;  that  they  employ  more  of  the 
wealth,  the  industry,  and  intellect  of  the  American  people,  than 
all  other  employments  united";  in  short,  that  they  are  almost 
the  only  useful  class  of  people  in  the  world. 

When  this  course  fails,  they  endeavor  to  excite  our  sym- 
pathy, by  whining  and  complaining,  that,  notwithstanding 
"  they  employ  the  highest  energies  of  the  human  intellect, 
and  are  seen  in  the  most  magnificent  displays  of  wealth 
and  power,"  yet  "  the  observation  of  the  public  is  not  awa- 
kened to  a  just  appreciation  of  their  dignity  and  useful- 
ness." 

Moreover,  they  complain  of  the  outrageous  "  oppression 
that  is  attempted  to  be  practised  by  the  Many  over  the 
Few";  "how  abject  and  unjust,  how  repugnant  to  the 
constitutional  principle  of  equality  and  democracy,"  it  is, 
that  three  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  men,  who  create 
all  the  wealth  of  the  State,  should  be  permitted  to  out- 
number nine  thousand  self -styled  princes  of  such  pre-eminence, 
dignity  and  usefulness,  at  the  ballot  boxes  !  What  a  shame ! 

"We  might  pass  over  these  incendiary  doctrines,  with 
the  contempt  they  deserve,  if  it  were  not  for  the  wide- 
spread mischief  which  they  work,  by  deluding,  to  their 
own  injury,  the  numerous  classes  they  are  intended  to 
cajole  and  /latter. "  "  The  laborer  and  mechanic  are  taught 
to"  consider  the  banker  and  broker  as  their  best  friends, 
"whose  means,"  they  tell  us,  "furnish  them  with  daily 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  79 

employment,  and  that  without  their  help  the  poor  man 
could  not  even  wag  his  jaw.  "  A  diligent  effort  is  made 
to  "  inspire  the  farmer's  mind  with  sentiments  of  gratitude, 
and  to  secure  his  lasting  friendship,  by  telling  him,  "  that,- 
but  for  the  assistance  of  the  banker  and  broker,  his  crops 
would  rot  upon  the  field."  If  the  farmer  does  not  believe 
or  understand  this  logic,  why,  he  is  a  stupid  blockhead,  and 
is  blindly  working  contrary  to  his  own  interest.  "The 
prosperity  of  the  country,  its  peace,  its  character,  and  its 
credit,  are  deeply  affected  by  the  too  successful  influence 
of  these  wretched  intrigues."  "  The  masses  are  imbued 
with  the  opinion  that  wealth  and  poverty,  speculation  and 
industry,  education  and  want  of  education,  do  not  consti- 
tute hostile  interests ;  and  our  legislative  halls  are  disgraced 
by  an  abject  subserviency"  to  the  incessant  clamor  of  the 
banker  and  broker  for  power  and  privilege,  to  such  a  de- 
gree, "that  justice,  patriotism,  and  manly  freedom  of 
thought,  has  been  banished  from  that  high  sanctuary  of 
sovereign  power,"  where  no  other  principle  or  practice  but 
that  of  equal  rights  to  all,  special  privileges  to  none, 
should  ever  have  been  recognized,  nor  a  traitorous  advo- 
cate been  found  to  breathe  or  utter.  "  Even  the  bench 
has  not  been  free  from  these  pernicious  opinions,  and  dem- 
agogues have  been  found  so  hardened  and  so  daring,  as  to 
carry  into  that  sacred  tribunal  the  profligate  pledge  of  obe- 
dience" to  the  interests  of  the  banker  and  broker,  "and 
there  consummate  the  atrocious  proscription  "  of  those  in 
dividuals  who  dare  call  in  question  the  arrogant  claims 
and  silly  pretensions  of  the  banker  and  broker. 

For  the  foregoing  classical  language  and  liberal  ideas, 
we  are  entirely  indebted  to  the  Judge,  to  whom  we  ac- 
knowledge our  unfeigned  thanks. 

A  demagogue  is  one  who  endeavors  to  convince  people 
they  will  be  benefited  by  having  their  pockets  well  picked, 
or  that  the  best  method  of  promoting  equal  rights  among 
a  people,  is  to  grant  special  privileges  to  a  few. 


80  WORKING 


CHAPTER  X. 

PRODUCTION    AND    CONSUMPTION    OF    WEALTH. 

MANKIND  in  general  appear  to  have  become  insane  on 
the  subject  of  production;  they  have  never  considered 
that  it  is  as  necessary  to  provide  ways  and  means  of  con- 
sumption, as  it  is  to  multiply  and  accelerate  the  means  of 
production,  otherwise  a  state  of  over-production,  as  it  is 
called,  is  produced,  which  is  horrible  in  its  consequences. 
As  a  remedy  for  such  a  state  of  things,  the  orthodox  polit- 
ical economists  have  offered  us  but  one  alternative,  and 
that  is,  the  death  of  the  laboring  classes  by  starvation, 
misery  and  disease,  till  their  numbers  are  reduced,  while 
the  surplus  productions  are  being  consumed,  or,  in  other 
words,  till  a  demand  arises  for  labor.  In  proof  of  this,  we 
shall  quote  from  some  of  the  orthodox  economists.  Blake 
says,  page  89 : 

"  If,  besides  furnishing  subsistence  for  himself,  the  wages  of  the 
laborer  would  not  enable  him  to  maintain  a  wife,  and  bring  up  a 
family,  the  laboring  classes  would  gradually  diminish,  [he  does  not, 
in  this  place,  tell  us  by  what  means,  but  in  another  place  he  does ; 
it  is  by  want,  emigration,  disease,  starvation  and  death,]  and  the 
scarcity  of  hands  would  then  raise  their  wages,  which  would  ena- 
ble them  to  live  with  more  comfort,  and  rear  a  family ;  but,  as  the 
capitalist  will  always  keep  wages  as  low  as  he  can,  [which  is  as 
near  the  starving  point  as  possible ;  and  to  this  point  he  can  easily 
be  brought,  after  being  deprived  of  his  natural  right  to  the  soil,] 
the  laborer  and  his  family  can  seldom  command  more  than  the 
necessaries  of  life,"  (that  is,  the  smallest  pittance  requisite  to  keep 
soul  and  body  together.) 

We  are  told  that  the  grand  object  of  the  capitalist  should 
be,  to  cause  the  greatest  amount  of  the  products  of  labor 
to  be  produced  in  the  least  time  possible,  and  at  the  least 
possible  expense ;  also,  the  greater  quantity  he  can  secure 
for  himself,  the  more  he  promotes  the  prosperity  of  his 
country.  They  seem  to  have  forgotten  the  necessity  of 
consumption. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY  81 

Mr.  Blake  discourses  thus 

"Under'free  and  secure  governments,  no  man  will  suffer  any 
part  of  his  capital  to  lie  idle ;  the  demand  for  labor,  therefore,  is 
proportioned  to  the  extent  of  capital.  A  growing  capital  is  an  in- 
crease of  subsistence  for  the  maintenance  of  the  poor.  Every  in- 
crease of  capital  is  the  result  of  a  past,  and  the  cause  of  a  future 
augmentation  of  the  products  of  labor;  therefore,  whatever  a  man's 
property  may  be,  he  should  be  encouraged,  by  all  means  in  his 
power,  to  improve  it.  It  is  of  but  little  consequence  to  whom  it 
belongs;  because,  wherever  there  is  capital,  the  poor  will  never 
want  employment." 

This  last  assertion  is  not  true,  as  all  history  and  experi- 
ence prove ;  for,  nowhere  in  the  world  is  capital  more  abun- 
dant, than  in  England,  where  it  goes  begging  at  two  and  a 
half  per  cent.;  yet,  nowhere  in  the  world  are  the  working 
classes  in  so  destitute,  wretched  and  starving  condition; 
The  conclusion  that  the  reverend  gentleman  comes  to,  that 
it  is  of  but  little  consequence  to  whom  the  wealth  of  a 
country  belongs,  is  somewhat  curious.  Suppose  it  all  be- 
longed to,  say,  ten  men,  (or  perhaps  one  would  be  better,) 
what  think  you  would  be  the  condition  of  the  mass  of  the 
people?  Would  they  be  free,  independent  and  happy? 
What  a  consoling  reflection,  to  think  that  they  had  worn 
themselves  out  in  toiling  to  heap  up  wealth  for  their  mas- 
ters, while  they  were  not  allowed  to  touch  a  bit  of  it, 
though  perishing  with  starvation,  and  their  masters  wan- 
tonly wasting  it,  perhaps,  in  debauchery. 

Let  us  suppose  that  the  above  mentioned  author  were 
obliged  to  change  places  with  one  of  those  down-trodden 
sons  of  labor  and  toil,  after  having  made  his  master  rich, 
by  devoting  to  his  service  all  the  best  energies  of  his  life, 
should,  in  his  old  age,  be  turned  out  of  doors,  without  a 
shilling  in  his  pocket,  perhaps  with  a  wife  and  children 
who  are  as  dear  to  him  as  his  master's  can  be  to  him,  with- 
out a  home,  or  place  to  lay  his  head,  with  want  and  beg- 
gary staring  him  in  the  face.  Think  you  not,  this  gentle- 
men would  begin  to  consider  that  it  was  of  some  conse- 
quence to  whom  belonged  the  wealth  that  his  own  labor 
and  toil  had  produced ;  whether  to  him  who  had  done 
nothing  towards  its  production,  or  to  him  that  had  created 
the  whole  of  it  ?  Would  he  not  be  very  apt  to  come  to  a 
very  different  conclusion  ?  We  think  he  would 


82  WORKING   MAN'S 

No  wonder  this  same  gentleman  thought,  when  writing 
his  book,  that  it  would  be  very  improper  to  let  the  poor 
understand  the  nature  of  Political  Economy.  There  is 
nothing  strange  in  that. 

Malthus  tells  us,  that  "population  always  has  a  tend- 
ency to  exceed  the  means  of  subsistence."  Now,  this  is 
an  absolute  falsehood,  where  governments  are  anything 
like  just,  where  the  producers  were  allowed  to  possess  the 
fruits  of  their  own  industry  >  where  the  land  was  not  mo- 
nopolized by  a  few,  and  competition  left  free  to  tht  opera- 
tion of  supply  and  demand.  It  is  a  well  known  fact,  that 
any  nation  enjoying  the  advantages  now  known  by  the 
perfection  of  labor-saving  machinery,  and  other  aids  to 
production,  can  produce  from  five  to  ten  times  as  much 
wealth  as  would  abundantly  supply  the  wants  of  all,  if  it 
were  but  justly  distributed,  which  should  not  be  in  propor- 
tion to  a  man's  idleness,  but  in  proportion  to  his  industry. 
If  this  were  done,  such  a  thing  as  over  production,  to  the 
injury  of  any  one,  could  never  take  place ;  neither  would 
it  ever  be  necessary  to  kill  off  the  surplus  producers,  nor 
condemn  them  to  death  by  starvation.  Neither  would  it 
be  necessary  to  make  poor-house  provision  for  them,  under 
which  to  consummate  the  measure  of  their  degradation; 
because,  in  opposition  to  what  Malthus  says,  the  fact  stares 
us  in  the  face,  that  the  power  to  produce  wealth  increases 
in  a  much  greater  ratio  than  the  ability  to  consume  it,  and 
the  greatest  difficulty  in  the  civilized  world  will  be,  how 
to  dispose  of  the  great  surplus,  so  as  to  avert  the  usual  al- 
ternative of  killing  off  the  producers,  or  suffering  them  to 
die  of  starvation.  It  is  very  evident  that  one  of  two  things 
must  be  done.  The  producers  must  be  reinstated  in  their 
right  in  the  soil,  and  become  owners  of  labor-saving  machinery, 
or  wealth-consuming  machinery  must  be  put  in  operation. 
Working  men,  it  is  for  you  to  examine  into  this  subject, 
and  act  accordingly. 

We  may,  at  least,  console  ourselves  with  the  reflection 
that  the  time  has  gone  by,  when  it  was  thought  necessary 
that  capitalists  should  learn  such  lessons,  and  quiet  their 
consciences  by  such  arguments,  as  political  economics 
have  written  out  for  their  benefit,  specimens  of  which  we 
shall  now  quote  : — 

"A  man  born  in  an  already  occupied  world,  if  his  family  have- 
not  the  means  to  suooort  him.  or  if  society  have  no  need  of  his  i 


POLITICALECONOMY.  83 

labor,  has  no  right  to  claim  food ;  he  is,  in  fact,  superfluous  on  the 
earth  ^nd  at  the  grand  banquet  of  Nature  there  is  no  room  for  him." 
"  Nature  commands  this  man  to  be  gone,  and  she  will  not  be  slow 
to  put  this  order  into  execution  herself."* 

"When  Malthus  pronounced  this  extermination  against  the  hu- 
man race,  Godwin  thus  replied:  'No;  it  is  not  the  law  of  Nature; 
it  is  merely  the  law  of  a  fictitious  state  of  society,  which  heaps 
upon  a  few  individuals  enormous  superabundance,  and  blindly  lav- 
ishes upon  them  the  means  of  indulging  in  all  sorts  of  foolish  ex- 
penses, in  all  the  enjoyments  of  luxury  and  perversity,  while  the 
body  of  the  human  race  is  condemned  to  languish  in  want,  or  die 
of  starvation.'"4" 

"  Let  every  one  in  this  world  be  answerable  to  himself,  and  for 
himself.  So  much  the  worse  for  those  who  are  superfluous  on  this 
earth :  we  should  have  too  much  to  do,  if  we  were  to  give  bread 
to  those  who  were  dying  of  hunger :  who  knows,  even,  that  there 
would  remain  enough  for  the  rich?  population  always  having  a 
tendency  to  exceed  the  means  of  subsistence.  Charity  is  a  folly, 
and  an  encouragement  to  idleness  and  want.":f 

"  When  the  demands  for  labor  are  numerous,  the  laborer's  wages 
decline  beneath  the  necessary  rate  at  which  they  are  able  to  main- 
tain themselves  in  the  same  number,  and  the  families  most  bur- 
dened by  children  and  infirmities  perish ;  then  the  offers  of  labor 
diminish,  (by  starvation,)  then  labor,  being  seldom  offered,  as  a 
matter  of  course  its  remuneration  rises,  and  the  equilibrium  is  es- 
tablished."' 

"  If,  besides  furnishing  subsistence  for  himself,  the  wages  of  the 
laborer  would  not  enable  him  to  maintain  a  wife,  and  bring  up  a 
family,  the  class  [or  breed]  of  laborers  would  gradually  diminish, 
[by  slow  disease  and  starvation,]  and  the  scarcity  of  hands  would 
raise  their  wages,  which  would  enable  them  to  live  with  more  com- 
fort, and  rear  a  family;  but,  as  the  capitalist  will  always  keep  wages 
as  low  as  he  can,  the  laborer  and  his  family  can  seldom  command 
more  than  the  necessaries  of  life."  || 

Sufficient  specimens  have  been  quoted  from  the  works 
of  various  devotees  to  the  interests  of  capital,  to  show 
that,  be  they  English,  French,  or  American,  they  all  under- 
stand the  game  alike  :  their  views  are  precisely  the  same. 
Justice,  Religion  and  Morality  must  be  sacrificed,  and  the 
rights  of  humanity  violated,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  a 
few  capitalists  to  monopolize  not  only  the  land,  but,  also, 

*  Malthus.        f  Eugene  Sue.        *  Malthus.        §  Say.        ||  Blake. 


., 


84  WORKING    MAN    S 

all  the  wealth  of  the  world;  and  when  the  producers  riavo 
supplied  their  lordly  masters  with  an  overflowing  abun- 
dance of  all  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  life,  they  must, 
in  the  midst  of  that  plenty,  created  by  their  own  labor 
alone,  be  condemned  to  want,  lingering  disease,  starvation 
and  death,  by  their  cruel,  unfeeling,  and  unjust  lordly  op- 
pressors. 

Such  are  their  declarations  to  the  world.  It  would  be 
well  if  these  gentlemen  would  tell  the  world  upon  what 
they  found  their  right  to  do  all  this ; — let  us  understand  the 
why  and  the  wherefore.  Let  them  tell  us,  why  should 
those  who  make  nothing,  get  everything ;  while  those  who 
make  everything,  get  nothing.  Tell  us  why,  men  of  learn- 
ing. They  may  tell  them,  perhaps,  it  has  always  been  the 
custom,  and  the  law  protects  them  in  the  practice ;  there- 
fore, it  is  right;  and,  as  the  poor  have  not  the  power  to  re- 
sist the  demands  of  the  capitalist,  law,  therefore,  makes  it 
just.  Will  not  this  parity  of  reasoning  justify  the  slave- 
holder? Most  certainly  it  will,  and  the  robber,  also. 

Let  us  now  substitute  a  strong  arm,  or  pistol,  in  the 
place  of  law,  or  heavy  purse  and  robber,  instead  of  capi 
talist,  and  try  whether  the  argument  would  not  suit  the 
g  bber's  case  just  as  well.     Let  us  suppo.se  a  scene. 

A  robber  having  deprived  a  traveler  of  his  purse,  the 
victim  undertakes  to  expostulate  with  the  robber  on  the 
justice  of  the  practice,  but  is  answered  by  the  robber  thus : 
You  see,  my  friend,  you  ought  not  to  complain :  this  has 
always  been  a  custom,  ever  since  the  world  began.  Those 
who  do  not  choose  to  work  themselves,  and  to  whom  God 
has  given  sufficient  talent  and  power,  have  always  exacted 
their  living  from  those  He  has  left  in  a  defenceless  condi- 
tion, and  who  are  unable  to  resist  the  demands  of  their  su- 
periors. Now,  you  see,  I  have  the  talent  and  ingenuity 
to  make  a  pistol,  with  the  power,  disposition  and  oppor- 
tunity to  use  it.  You  He  has  left  without  talent  and  in- 
genuity, and  in  a  defenceless  condition ;  therefore,  it  is 
God's  wiH  that  I  should  take  care  of  myself.  You  have  no 
reason  to  complain ;  because,  when  you  get  rich  enough 
to  buy  a  pistol,  or  cunning  enough  to  make  one,  you  can 
then  do  as  I  do  now, — take  care  of  yourself.  True,  the 
poor  fellow  might,  by  this  string  of  sophistry,  be  dumb- 
founded and  bewildered ;  but  would  he  be  satisfied  that  a 
great  injustice  had  not  been  done  him? 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  86 

Now,  here  we  ask,  can  the  capitalist  who  strips  the  poor 
man  of  all  the  produce  of  his  labor,  except  what  is  suffi- 
cient to  keep  life  in  him,  justify  himself  by  stronger  and 
better  arguments  than  may  be  brought  forward  in  defence 
of  the  robber?  If  he  can,  they  ought,  in  justice,  be  given 
to  the  world,  so  that  all  might  know  and  understand  upon 
what  grounds  a  few  who  make  nothing  should  enjoy  all  the 
wealth  of  the  world,  while  those  who  create  it  should  be 
doomed  to  poverty  and  starvation.  Another  question 
ought  to  be  answered  by  the  capitalist,  before  h«  gives 
judgment  against  us,  which  is, —  Who  has  a  better  right  to  a 
thing  than  he  that  makes  it  ?  If  A,  who  happens  to  be  much 
stronger  than  B,  withhold  from  him  that  wealth,  or  means 
of  subsistence,  to  which  B  himself  is  entitled  to,  on  the 
ground  of  his  being  the  sole  producer  of  it,  till  by  degrees 
he  is  starved  to  death,  is  not  A  as  positively  the  murderer 
of  B,  as  if  he  had  killed  him  in  some  other  way  ?  Can  it 
make  any  difference,  in  a  moral  point  of  view,  from  what 
source  A  derives  his  power, — whether  from  his  own  in- 
herent organization,  or  from  the  laws  himself  and  asso- 
ciates have  made,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  themselves 
from  a  cowhide,  a  pistol,  or  a  heavy  well-filled  purse? 

Mr.  Blake  tells  us,  that  "  the  rich  and  the  poor  are  ne- 
cessary to  each  other;  because,  without  the  rich,  the  poor 
would  starve,  and  without  the  poor,  the  rich  would  be 
obliged  to  work." 

Thus  it  appears,  that,  let  the  poor  man  look  whicn  way 
he  will,  starvation  stares  him  in  the  face.  For,  if  the  cap- 
italist do  not  employ  him,  he  must  starve  ;  and  if  the  cap- 
italist does  employ  him,  till  he  overburdens  his  master  with 
wealth,  then  he  must  starve.  So  that  his  lot  is  an  unen- 
viable one,  let  him  do  the  best  he  can.  But  is  it  not  a 
strange  conclusion  the  gentleman  comes  to,  that  if  those 
that  produce  all  the  wealth  of  the  world,  were  allowed  to 
consume  the  fruits  of  their  own  industry,  they  would  have 
to  starve  ?  This  is  incomprehensible  to  us,  and  requires 
an  explanation.  Now,  as  a  remedy  by  which  to  avert  the 
horrible  consequences  of  over  production,  all  that  is  neces- 
sary is,  to  let  the  producers  consume  what  they  ^reduce : 
this  they  have  a  right  to  do,  or  they  have  no  right  to  live. 
Restore  to  the  landless  his  right  to  the  soil :  let  the  services 
of  all  men  be  left  perfectly  free  to  competition,  governed 
alone  by  the  immutable  law  of  supply  and  demand.  If  this  is 


86  W  O  R  K  I N  G     M  A  N  '  S 

done,  the  poor  will  never  starve  to  death  for  the  want  of 
employment,  neither  will  it  be  necessary  to  invent  ma- 
chinery to  consume  the  surplus  wealth  of  the  country. 

We  have  one  more  observation  to  make  n  Mr.  Blake's 
declaration.  He  says,  "  without  the  poor,  the  rich  would 
be  obliged  to  work."  Oh,  shocking!  What  a  horrible 
calamity  this  would  be,  in  comparison  with  the  death  of  a 
much  greater  number  of  the  poor,  by  want,  misery  and 
starvation !  If  every  individual  who  is  able,  did  but  per- 
form his  share  of  the  labor,  necessary  to  supply  all  with 
an  abundance  of  the  comforts  and  luxuries  of  life,  but  a 
very  small  portion  of  time  would  be  required  to  accom- 
plish it. 

Lord  Brougham  has,  in  a  late  work  on  the  nature  of 
labor-saving  machinery,  declared,  that,  after  the  most 
careful  investigation  of  the  subject,  in  England,  with  its 
present  advantages  in  labor-saving  machinery,  &c.,  but 
twenty  minutes'  daily  labor,  by  each  individual,  would  be 
required,  to  furnish  all  with  an  abundance.  Suppose  it 
would  require  one,  or  even  two  hours'  honest  labor  for 
each  person,  would  that  be  too  much  for  human  nature  to 
bear?  We  think  it  would  do  him  good,  keep  him  in 
health :  he  would  be  apt  not  to  forget  that  he  was  but  a 
man. 

Is  it  not  a  strange  and  most  astonishing  conclusion  that 
those  humane,  philosophical  regulators  of  human  affairs 
have  arrived  at,  that  the  greatest  good  the  rich  can  render 
the  poor,  is  to  strip  them  of  the  fruits  of  their  industry,  till 
they  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  starvation  ?  For  such  is 
the  true  state  of  the  case,  when  stripped  of  its  sophistry. 
Producers  of  wealth,  this  is  for  you  to  look  into  :  examine 
the  subject,  and  decide  for  yourselves.  It  is  but  common 
justice,  that  a  man  should  be  allowed  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of 
his  own  industry,  and  it  is  downright  robbery  to  deprive 
him  of  them.  But  it  will  be  done,  so  long  as  the  capital- 
ist is  permitted  to  monopolize  the  soil.  This  is  the  grand 
source  from  which  he  derives  his  power  to  dictate  the 
terms  upon  which  the  poor  man  may  draw  his  breath. 
Therefore,  the  first  object  of  "National  Reform"  should 
be,  to  prevent  the  public  lands  being  sold,  for  the  purpose 
of  speculation;  but  be  given  only  in  limited  qantities  to 
actual  settlers.  Producers  of  wealth,  come  up  to  the  work 
of  Reform,  and  contend  manfully  for  your  inalienable 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  87 

rights ;  but  quietly,  peaceably  and  legally.     You  have  but 
to  decide,  and  the  victory  is  gained. 

The  ballot  box  is  in  your  hands.  Never  give  up,  but 
with  your  last  dying  breath,  this  sacred  right :  (not  privi- 
lege.) It  is  your  only  hope, 


88 


WORKING     MAN 


CHAPTER  XT. 

WAGES     OF    -LABOR. 
V 

Seize  upon  Truth,  wherever  found. 
On  Christian  or  on  heaihp.n  ground. 
Among  your  friends,  among  your  foes. 
The  plant 's  divine,  wh-  r  'er  it  grows. 

Cowpcr 

SOMETIMES  men  tell  more  truth  than  is  consistent  with 
the  grand  object  they  have  in  view,  in  their  attempts  to 
enlighten  the  minds  of  their  more  ignorant  fellow  men 
Such  appears  to  have  been  the  case  in  regard  to  the  par- 
ticulars we  are  now  going  to  mention. 

Mr.  Blake  says,  that  "capital  expended  in  the  form  of 
wages  for  labor,  is  a  small  amount  of  wealth  [or  laborj 
given  in  exchange  for  a  greater."  That  is.  they  are  of 
unequal  value. 

This  is  very  candid  in  Mr.  Blake,  and  is  a  truth  so  self- 
evident,  that  no  one  will  attempt  to  deny  it.  The  differ- 
ence of  value  between  the  wages,  or  quantity  of  wealth 
given  by  the  wages  payer,  and  the  quantity  he  gets  in 
exchange  for  it,  is  sometimes  very  great;  it  is  frequently 
two,  three,  four  and  five  hundred  per  cent.,  and  in  many 
cases  much  greater.  Suppose  A,  who  is  a  mechanic,  or 
wealth  producer  of  any  kind,  can  only  earn  one  dollar  per 
day,  is  necessitated  or  desires  to  have  advice  or  instruction 
from  B,  who  happens  to  know  a  little  more  than  himself: 
say  in  law,  physic,  or  anything  else ;  in  other  words,  has 
more  talent,  natural  or  acquired. 

Now  suppose  B  gives  A  the  required  advice  or  instruc- 
tion, (which  he  does  perhaps  in  the  space  of  half  an  hour,) 
and  for  which  service  demands  five  dollars.  Every  body 
knows  that  such  occurrences  often  take  place.  In  this  case, 
tne  disproportion  is  as  one  to  one  hundred  and  twenty : 
that  is,  B  gets  proportionately  one  hundred  and  twenty  days- 
labor  in  exchange  for  one  of  his  own.  Now  here,  we  ask. 
can  there  be  any  justice  or  equity  in  such  an  exchange  ? 
Can  the  man  who  exacts  it  be  an  honest  man  ?  Can  he 


POLITICAL    ECONOM5.  89 

be  a  Christian  ?  Would  he  be  willing  to  give  one  hundred 
and  twenty  dollars  in  exchange  for  one  dollar  ?  It  is  a 
bad  rule  that  will  not  work  both  ways.  The  capitalist 
always  takes  profit,  but  never  gives  it.  He  will  give  one 
dollar  for  two  or  more,  but  will  never  give  two  for  one, 
though  he  exacts  it  from  others,  deriving  his  power  to  en- 
force his  demand  from  the  fact  that  he  holds  in  his  hands 
the  means  by  which  the  poor  man  can  only  live,  his  only 
alternative  being  either  to  take  the  capitalist's  offer,  or 
starve ;  in  the  words  of  the  capitalist,  give  me  three  dol- 
lars in  exchange  for  one,  or  die.  Though,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, the  poor  man  consents  to  the  proposition,  yet 
it  would  be  very  difficult  to  convince  him  that  a  great  in- 
justice had  not  been  done  him. 

After  the  king  and  the  capitalist  had  monopolized  the 
land  and  made  it  private  property,  it  was  found  an  easy 
operation  to  force  from  the  landless  man  the  fruits  of  his 
labor  and  toil,  so  as  to  prevent  him  from  being  able  ever 
to  accumulate  capital  for  his  own  use.  Consequently,  the 
capitalist  has  always  dictated  the  terms  upon  which  he 
might  \ist  upon  the  earth,  giving  his  consent  to  the  injus- 
tice only  through  the  fear  of  death  by  starvation.  This 
practice  of  injustice  has  existed  from  nobody  knows  when, 
and  perpetuated  from  age  to  age  down  to  the  present  mo- 
ment ;  and  the  reason  why,  is  merely  because  the  king  and 
capitalist  have  always  made  the  laws,  either  directly  or 
indirectly,  by  their  influence ;  but  they  never  could  have 
consummated  the  atrocity,  had  they  not,  in  the  first  place, 
seized  upon  the  land,  which  is  the  natural  inheritance  of 
all  men,  and  made  it  private  property. 

Mr.  Weyland  tells  us,  and  that  truly,  "  that  no  man  would 
be.  willing  to  give  two  days  of  his  own  labor  or  service  for 
that  which  cost  another  man  but  one  day's  labor,"  except 
when  under  the  influence  of  some  kind  of  constraint,  or 
restraint,  or,  as  Black  has  it,  "  duress  per 'ininas."  On  this 
subject  the  judgment  of  Blackstone  is  as  follows,  vol.  1, 
page  130: 

"  Duress  per  minas,  is  either  for  fear  of  loss  of  life,  or  else  for 
fear  of  mayhem,  or  loss  of  limb.  And  this  fear  must  be  upon 
sufficient  reason. 

"  Therefore,  if  <*  man,  through  fear  of  death  or  mayhem,  is  pre- 
vailed upon  to  execute  a  deed,  or  do  any  other  legal  act;  these, 
though  accompanied  with  all  other  the  requisite  solemnities,  may 


90  WORKING    MA  N'S 

oe  afterwards  avoided,  if  forced  upon  him  by  a  well-grounded  ap 
prehension  of  losing  his  life,  or  even  his  limbs,  in  case  ol  his  non 
compliance.     For  whatever  is  done  by  a  man,  to  save  either  life 
or  member,  is  looked  upon  as  done  upon  the  highest  necessity  and 
compulsion." 

In  the  case  we  have  supposed,  it  is  admitted  that  A  ac- 
cedes to  B's  proposition,  but  it  is  on  the  ground  of  choos- 
ing between  two  evils — he  must  consent,  or  fare  worse ; 
comply  with  B's  demand,  or  die  by  starvation.  To  comply, 
under  such  circumstances,  is,  therefore,  done  "upon  the 
highest  necessity  and  compulsion"  There  is  no  other  kind 
of  compulsion  than  this,  for  no  human  power  can  make  a 
man  do  an  act  which  he  wills  not  to  do,  because  the  will  is 
the  cause  of  action — the  motive  gives  impulse  to  the  will,  and 
the  prospect  of  good  gives  rise  to  the  motive.  The  chattel 
slave  obeys  his  master,  and  acts,  though  perhaps  reluct- 
antly, still  in  accordance  with  his  own  will,  and  in  respect 
to  animal  action,  whether  human  or  not.  There  is  no  other 
kind  of  compulsion — this  every  anatomist  well  knows. 

La  view  of  the  foregoing  considerations,  we  ask,  in  all 
candor  and  honesty,  in  the  name  of  justice  and  humanity, 
this  question : 

When  one  man  exacts  of  another  three  dollars  in  ex- 
change (or  days'  work,  no  matter  which)  for  one  of  his 
own,  on  the  ground  that  he  had  the  opportunity  and  power 
to  force  a  compliance,  whether,  in  all  its  consequences  to 
the  suffering  party  and  in  its  justice  and  morality,  it  is  not 
precisely  the  same  as  if  he  should,  when  possessing  power 
and  opportunity,  take  forcibly  from  another  two  dollars 
and  give  nothing  in  exchange  ? 

It  is  absolutely  necessary  that  this  question  be  satisfac- 
torily answered  :  the  good  of  society  requires  it.  Working 
men  ought  to  see  to  it.  But,  no  matter  how  much  a  man 
might  be  disposed  to  act  unjustly  towards  his  fellow  men, 
by  demanding  much  wealth  in  exchange  for  but  little,  he 
never  could  have  enforced  this  demand,  if  all  men  had 
stood  on  their  natural  and  equal  ground — the  elements  of 
nature  had  not  been  monopolized,  nor  the  individual  ope- 
rations of  mankind  been  interfered  with,  by  unjust  govern- 
mental enactments :  free  competition  would  have  pre- 
vented it.  The  celebrated  Mr.  Blake,  author  of  "  Political 
Economy  for  the  use  of  American  Schools,"  says  "  That  the 
wages  of  labor  is  a  small  amount  of  wealth  given  in  ex- 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  <  91 

change  for  a  greater."  "  Now  this  is  true;  nobody  will 
deny  it.  Further,  he  tells  us  that  the  capitalist  will  always 
keep  wages  as  low  as  he  can,  and  make  as  much  profit  as 
he  can ;  that  is,  take  as  much  as  he  can  get.  This,  also, 
we  admit  to  be  true  :  we  have  no  wish  to  deny  it.  This 
same  gentleman  also  tells  us,  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  capi- 
talist to  pursue  this  course  to  the  utmost  of  his  ability. 
For,  says  he,  in  proportion  as  he  does  this,  he  adds  to  the 
wealth  of  his  country ;  thereby  promoting  its  prosperity. 
But  whether  such  a  course  of  procedure  is  calculated  to 
promote  the  happiness  and  well  being  of  the  toiling  mil- 
lions, or  not,  is  a  question  yet  to  be  decided  by  those  who 
alone  produce  all  the  wealth  of  the  world:  to  decide 
which,  they  will  be  fully  qualified  to  do  when  they  see  the 
above  doctrines  stripped  of  their  sophistry  and  false  color- 
ing, and  shown  up  in  all  their  naked  deformity.  This  we 
shall  now  endeavor  to  do. 

In  the  first  place,  we  are  told  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
capitalist  to  take  from  the  poor  all  the  property  that  power, 
custom  and  opportunity  will  enable  him  to  take.  And  the 
more  he  takes,  and  the  less  he  gives,  the  better  man  he  is ; 
and  the  more  he  benefits  his  country.*  In  the  next  place, 
we  are  told,  not  only  by  Mr.  Blake,  but  also  by  almost  all 
other  popular  writers  on  the  subject,  that  when  this  course 
is  pursued  and  continued  till  the  capitalist  has  accumula- 
ted more  wealth  than  he  knows  what  to  do  with,  then  those 
that  have  alone  produced  it,  as  a  matter  of  course,  must 
suffer  in  want,  poverty,  disease  and  misery ;  and,  finally, 
perish  by  starvation :  and  to  bring  about  this  horrible  result 
as  soon  as  possible,  is  a  duty  the  capitalist  owes  to  his 
country !  Such,  then,  are  the  lessons  that  have  been  taught 
the  capitalist ;  and  well  has  he  profited  by  them.  Those 
gentlemen  have  not  been  misrepresented — they  have  spo- 
ken themselves — the  above  doctrines  are  the  sum  and  sub- 
stance, the  very  cream  of  almost  all  the  systems  of  Political 
Economy  that  have  ever  been  written.  Producers  of  wealth, 
how  do  you  like  the  picture? 

Shall  we  be  told,  in  this  land  of  equal  rights,  that  the 
more  property  the  rich  take  from  the  poor,  by  virtue  of  the 
strongest  kind  of  compulsion,  that  of  the  fear  of  starva- 
tion, the  more  is  the  happiness  of  the  people  promoted  ? 

*  When  the  subservients  of  the  interests  of  capital  make  use  of  the  word 
"country,"  they  mean  the  capitalists  in  it — nothing  more. 


92  WORKING  MAN'S 

Can  the  working  classes  be  made  to  believe  it  ?  Is  the 
happiness  of  the  people  promoted  by  starving  them  to 
death  in  the  midst  of  plenty  ?  O,  shame  !  Shame,  where 
is  thy  blush  ? 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  Mr.  Blake  was  averse  to  having 
the  poor  taught  the  nature  of  such  doctrines  as  he  had 
written  only  for  the  edification  of  the  capitalist?  Truly, 
had  he  good  reason  to  be  ashamed  of  them.  But  his  book 
was  published  for  the  use  of  American  schools,  where  no 
other  doctrines  than  equal  rights  should  be  taught.  Now, 
did  he  calculate  that,  in  American  schools,  poor  men's 
children  would  never  be  allowed  to  enter,  or,  if  they  did, 
that  they  could  be  prevented  from  reading  his  book  ?  Or 
did  he  think  that  the  capitalist  would  learn  his  lesson  so 
perfectly,  that  no  poor  man  would  ever  be  able  to  purchase 
one?  Did  it  never  occur  to  the  gentleman,  that  a  poor 
man,  sometimes,  not  only  knows  how  to  read,  but  to  reason 
also?  Did  it  not  occur  to  him,  that  the  poor  man  would 
be  very  apt  to  reason  thus  ?  If  it  be  a  virtue,  in  those  who 
have  an  abundance  of  good  things,  to  take  from  others 
what  they  make,  and  leave  them  nothing,  merely  on  the 
ground  of  having  the  will  and  the  power,  how  much  more 
virtuous  would  it  be  in  those  who  have  nothing,  to  take 
some  of  those  good  things  (that  were  only  being  wasted  by 
the  rich)  for  their  own  use  ?  especially,  when  they  knew 
that  those  very  good  things  were  produced  by  their  own 
labor,  and  for  the  want  of  which  they  were  suffering,  and 
for  which  they  had  received  no  equivalent  ?  This  would 
be  but  a  fair  and  logical  deduction,  naturally  drawn  from 
Mr.  Blake's  own  premises. 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  world  is  full  of  crime  and  wick- 
edness, strife  and  contention ;  and  that  men's  rights  have 
been  violated,  when  such  morality  has  been  impressed  upon 
the  human  mind,  as  Mr.  Blake  has  put  forth  to  the  world? 
Are  we  to  be  told,  that  an  act,  which  is  done  by  the  rich, 
is  a  virtue  ;  but,  if  done  by  the  poor,  is  a  crime  ?  And  that 
property  does  not  rightfully  belong  to  him  who  makes  it,  but  to 
him  who  has  the  power  and  chooses  to  take  it  from  him  who  does 
make  it?  Now,  with  what  degree  of  propriety  can  it  be 
expected,  that  virtue  could  flourish  under  the  teachings  of 
such  fearful  lessons?  As  well  might  we  expect  to  see  the 
pine  apple  flourish  in  a  bed  of  snow.  But  where  did  this 
erentlernan  learn  these  pernicious  doctrines?  Surely,  not 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  93 

from  the  Bible  for  there  we  read,  "In  the  sweat  of  thy 
(own)  face  shall  thou  eat  thy  bread  until  thou  return  unto 
the  ground."  There  is  no  permission  here  given  any  man 
to  eat  his  bread  in  the  sweat  of  another  man's  face.  Solo- 
mon says,  "  there  is  nothing  better  for  a  man  than  that  he 
should  eat  and  drink  and  enjoy  the  good  of  all  his  labor : 
it  is  the  gift  of  God."  Now  we  should  like  to  know  from 
where  the  capitalist  derives  his  right  to  take  away  from 
any  man  this  sacred  gift  of  God?  If  they  can  show  a  rea- 
sonable title  to  it,  why,  then,  they  ought  to  have  it.  But 
if  they  cannot  do  this,  their  claims  ought  to  be  resisted  to 
the  utmost :  it  is  injustice,  oppression,  tyranny,  and  cruelty; 
and  to  resist  and  destroy  which,  is  "obedience  to  God" 

Is  it  not  an  insult  to  common  sense,  to  tell  us,  that  when 
the  rich  take  property  from  the  poor,  it  is  a  virtue,  and  a 
duty  they  owe  their  country ;  but  if  a  poor  man  take  pro- 
perty from  the  rich,  then  it  is  a  crime — it  is  robbery  ?  Are 
such  men  worthy  of  our  respect,?  Are  they  the  proper 
agents  to  teach  the  young  American  idea  how  to  shoot? 
Surely,  they  are  not;  they  are  blind  leaders  of  the  blind, 
and  such  as  are  thus  reproved  by  the  prophet  Isaiah : 

"  Wo,  unto  them  that  call  evil  good,  and  good  evil ;  that  put  dark- 
ness for  light,  and  light  for  darkness;  and  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and 
sweet  for  bitter.  Wo  unto  them  which  justify  the  wicked  for  a  re- 
ward, and  take  away  the  righteousness  of  the  righteous  from  him. 
The  Lord  will  enter  into  judgment  with  the  teachers  of  his  people, 
and  the  rulers  thereof ;  for  ye  have  eaten  up  the  vineyards,  and  the 
spoil  of  the  poor  is  in  your  houses." 

Mr.  Blake  could  not  have  learned  his  doctrines  from  the 
Gospel;  for  there,  all  are  required  to  do  unto  others  as  we 
would  that  others  should  do  unto  us.  Now,  would  this  gentle- 
man be  willing  that  another,  who  happened  to  be  stronger, 
or  richer  than  himself,  should  take  from  him  three  dollars, 
and  allow  him  but  one  in  exchange  ?  Would  he  be  willing 
to  suffer  this  wrong,  and  that,  too,  daily,  during  his  life, 
and  finally  be  starved  to  death  ?  Would  he  submit  to  this  ? 
Certainly  not,  nor  any  other  man,  except  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  strongest  kind  of  compulsion.  Yet,  with  all 
the  coolness  imaginable,  he  tells  the  rich  it  is  a  duty  they 
owe  their  country  to  commit  this  very  wrong  to  the  utmost 
of  their  ability.  Now,  this  gentleman  being  a  preacher  of 
the  gospel,  ought,  instead  of  instructing  the  rich  how  to 


94  WORKING    MAN    S 

wrong  the  poor  —  how  to  strip  them  of  their  industry,  &c., 
to  have  given  them  the  gospel  doctrines. 

"It  is  easier  for  a  camel  to  pass  through  the  eye  of  a  needle, 
than  for  a  rich  man  to  enter  the  kingdom  of  Heaven."  "  As  ye 
sow,  so  shall  ye  reap  :  they  have  sown  the  wind,  and  they  shall 
reap  the  whirlwind."  "  Go  to,  now,  ye  rich  men,  and  weep  and 
howl,  for  your  miseries  which  shall  come  upon  you.  Your  riches 
are  corrupted,  and  your  garments  are  moth  eaten.  Your  gold  and 
silver  are  cankered  ;  and  the  rust  of  them  shall  be  a  witness  against 
you,  and  shall  eat  your  flesh  as  it  were  fire.  Ye  have  heaped  trea- 
sure together  for  the  last  days.  Behold,  the  hire  of  the  laborers 
who  have  reaped  down  your  fields,  which  is  of  you  kept  back  by 
fraud,  crieth  :  and  the  cries  of  them  which  have  reaped,  are  entered 
into  the  ears  of  the  Lord  of  Sabaoth.  Ye  have  lived  in  pleasure 
on  the  earth,  and  been  wanton  ;  ye  have  nourished  your  hearts,  as 
in  a  day  of  slaughter.  Ye  have  condemned  and  killed  the  just  ; 
and  he  doth  not  resist  you.  Behold,  the  judge  standeth  before  the 
door." 

And  now  the  time  has  arrived  when  the  arrogant  claims 
of  the  capitalist  must  and  will  be  resisted  ;  but  legally, 
quietly  and  peaceably.  All  the  power  the  capitalist  pos- 
sesses of  oppressing  the  poor,  is  derived  from  popular  igno- 
rance. Let  but  the  public  mind  be  enlightened  on  all  sub- 
jects, and  tyranny  and  oppression  will  cease  in  proportion. 
Therefore,  look  well  to  your  common  schools,  as  know- 
ledge is  power.  Teach  your  children  their  rights,  and, 
knowing  them,  how  to  maintain  them  :  teach  them,  also, 
not  to  violate  the  rights  of  others  ;  for  if  we  do  not  respect 
the  rights  and  feelings  of  others,  how  can  we  expect  others 
to  respect  ours  ? 


"  Perform  fearlessly  what  you  believe  to  be  right.  Never 
mind  the  opposition  made  by  your  enemies.  They  cannot  harm 
you.  The  thrusts  of  those  who  hate  or  envy  you  will  never  hurt 
you,  if  you  are  faithful  to  your  duty.  Let  truth,  justice,  and  in- 
tegrity, be  on  your  side,  and  you  may  resist  a  host.  With  these, 
one  may  chase  a  thousand,  and  two  can  put  ten  thousand  to  flight." 

Mansfield. 

This  is  an  exceeding  good  lesson,  from  which  all  may 
profit, 


POLITICAL'ECONOMY  95 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FUNDAMENTAL  ERRORS  OF  GOVERNMENTS. 

THE  fundamental  errors  of  governments  may  be  all 
classed  under  three  heads. 

The  first  grand  error  has  been  the  establishment  of  the 
principle,  that  property  rightly  belongs  not  to  him  that 
makes  it,  but  to  him  that  has  power  to  take  it  from  him 
that  does  make  it.  From  this  error,  springs  almost  all  the 
'  wars  and  contentions  between  tribes,  nations,  kings  and 
individuals.  The  robber  justifies  himself  on  the  ground 
of  the  admission  of  this  error,  somewhat  consistently  too. 

The  second  is  in  confirming  the  usurpations  of  kingly 
despots  in  seizing  the  elements  of  Nature ;  making  them 
their  own  private  property,  and  dictating  the  terms  upon 
which  the  rest  of  mankind  might  enjoy  them.  This  error 
is  the  grand  lever  by  which  the  king  and  the  capitalist  are 
enabled  to  deprive  the  producers  of  wealth  of  the  fruits  of 
their  industry ;  reduce  them  to  beggary,  starvation  and 
death,  just  as  it  may  suit  their  pleasure. 

The  third,  is  the  right  claimed  by  kings  and  governments 
of  interfering  with  the  products  of  labor,  by  causing  them 
to  represent  more  labor  than  it  has  cost  to  produce  them  ; 
and  by  making  them  cost  more  labor  than  is  required  to 
produce  them.  From  the  prevalence  of  this  error,  arises 
the  right  of  kings  and  governments  to  debase  the  currency 
of  a  country,  either  by  the  means  of  base  metal,  or  paper 
money ;  thereby  swindling  the  producers  of  wealth  out  of 
the  fruits  of  their  industry:  also,  all  the  cheating,  swind- 
ling tricks  of  commerce,  banking,  shaving,  &c. 

In  lieu  of  the  above  errors,  we  propose  some  fundamen- 
tal curative  truths;  by  the  universal  understanding  of 
which,  most  of  the  moral  and  social  evils,  which  at  present 
afflict  and  destroy  the  peace  of  mankind,  will  be  destroyed. 

First.  Let  the  producers  of  property  be  the  rightful  own- 
ers of  what  they  produce ;  and,  when  given  in  exchange 
for  other  property,  let  it  be  for  an  equivalent ;  that  is,  of 
equal  cost.  This,  we  contend,  every  man  has  an  unequi- 
7 


96  WORKING   MAN'S 

vocal  right  to,  or  a  weak  or  poor  man  has  no  right  to  live. 
Has  a  man  a  right  to  his  own  limbs  ?  Surely,  no  man  wilJ 
deny  this.  But  we  deny  that  he  has  any  better  right  to  his 
own  limbs,  than  he  has  to  whatever  is  produced  by  them. 
If  any  man  has  a  right  to  take  from  another  any  portion 
of  what  he  makes,  what  portion  is  it?  If  it  is  in  propor- 
tion to  his  power,  then  it  follows,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
that  if  A  be  strong  enough,  or  rich  enough,  he  may  take 
from  B  every  thing  he  makes ;  and,  finally,  starve  him  to 
death.  But  this  right  we  deny.  The  only  just  and  right- 
ful first  owner  to  a  piece  of  property,  is  he  who  makes  it. 

Second.  Let  all  laws  and  customs  be  abolished  which 
confound  the  natural  or  intrinsic  value  of  the  elements  of 
nature  with  the  products  of  man's  labor.  The  custom  of 
man  in  assuming  exclusive  ownership  of  the  elements  of 
nature,  with  the  right  to  make  another  pay  him  for  the  use 
of  them,  is  too  glaring  an  absurdity  to  require  a  serious 
argument.  What  would  you  think  of  a  man  who  should 
undertake  to  require  other  men  to  pay  him  daily  a  certain 
sum  of  money ;  say  half  as  much  as  he  could  earn,  or  half 
a  day's  labor,  because  he  enjoyed  the  sunshine,  or  because 
he  breathed  the  atmosphere  ?  Would  you  not  think  this  a 
very  strange  requirement?  Surely,  you  would.  But, 
strange  as  it  may  appear,  this  very  thing  is  effected,  virtu- 
ally, to  an  immense  extent,  in  the  form  of  rent  for  the  use 
of  land.  There  is  just  as  much  propriety  and  honesty  in 
exacting  pay  for  the  use  of  either,  because  no  man  ever 
did  or  can  make  either;  therefore,  has  no  right  to  sell  or 
exact  pay  for  the  use  of  either.  All  this,  and  much  more 
tyranny  and  injustice  arises  from  the  error  of  confounding 
the  value  of  the  elements  of  nature  with  that  of  human 
labor,  and  has  perplexed  and  bewildered  almost  all  writers 
on  Political  Economy,  and  has  rendered  their  works  so 
unintelligible,  so  "  unnatural  and  paradoxical." 

For  a  more  perfect  understanding  of  this  part  of  the 
subject,  the  reader  is  referred  to  Gray's  lecture,  who  has 
done  the  subject  ample  justice. 

Third.  For  a  remedy  for  the  third  grand  error,  we  pro- 
pose that  the  gold  and  silver  coins  correspond  with  the 
standard  weights  of  the  country,  by  which  all  other  com- 
modities are  weighed.  The  avoirdupois  would,  perhaps, 
be  most  convenient.  Let  the  standard  silver  be  about  as 
at  present,  ten  per  cent,  alloy,  and  the  gold  twenty-two 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  97 

carets  which  should  never  be  allowed  to  be  altered ;  be- 
cause, if  they  were,  the  effect  would  be  the  same  as  if  the 
measures  of  length  and  capacity  had  been  altered.  Now 
suppose  the  dollar  equal  in  weight  to  one  ounce  avoirdu- 
pois; sixteen  dollars  would  weigh  one  pound,  and  frac- 
tional parts  would  be  twenty  pennyweights  to  the  dollar, 
or  twenty  five-cent  pieces — halves  and  quarters  in  propor- 
tion. Gold  pieces  should  be  of  corresponding  weight; 
then,  as  the  relative  exchangeable  value  is  at  this  time  as 
one  to  sixteen,  it  will  follow,  that  one  gold  piece  of  an 
ounce  weight,  would  be  equal  to  sixteen  dollars,  or  ounces 
of  silver.  No  matter  what  the  pieces  be  called,  so  they 
do  but  correctly  indicate  the  weight  and  fineness,  which 
was  the  original  object  in  stamping  coins — nothing  more. 
Sufficient  having  been  said  on  this  point  in  the  seventh 
chapter,  we  pass  on. 

If,, such  a  system  were  once  established  over  the  com- 
mercial world,  it  would  break  up  all  the  money  juggling 
of  the  world,  because  every  body  would  understand  the 
subject,  and  the  producers  of  wealth  would  never  submit 
to  the  impositions  they  now  suffer  in  consequence  of  their 
present  ignorance  of  the  nature  of  it.  There  is,  perhaps, 
no  greater  absurdity  than  the  announcements  we  often  see 
in  the  public  papers  in  regard  to  the  state  of  the  "  money 
market"  in  which  "specie"  is  quoted  at  a  "premium" 

Now  this  is  what  really  neter  can  exist,  for  the  plain 
and  simple  reason,  that  a  thing  can  never  be  worth  more 
than  itself.  Can  a  bushel  of  wheat  ever  be  worth  more 
than  a  bushel  of  wheat  ?  No ,  never.  But  a  bushel  of  wheat 
is,  sometimes,  worth  more  money  than  at  others,  but  is 
never  worth  more  wheat  in  the  same  place  and  at  the 
same  time.  Neither  can  an  ounce  of  silver  be  worth  more 
than  an  ounce  of  silver,  nor  a  dollar  worth  more  than  a 
dollar,  must  be  self-evident  to  all.  Such  an  announce- 
ment is  nothing  more  than  one  of  the  gull-traps  made  use  of 
by  the  banker  and  broker,  in  order  to  cover  up  the  iniquity 
of  their  own  unjust  operations ;  for  the  real  meaning  is 
this :  that  the  paper-money  makers  have  debased  or  de- 
preciated the  whole  amount  of  the  circulating  medium  of 
the  country  to  the  ratio  of  the  pretended  premium.  Such 
are  some  of  the  means  made  use  of  "to  cajole  and  flatter 
the  farmers,  mechanics  and  laborers,  because  they  are  the 
most  numerous,  aud  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot 


98      .  • 

boxes ;"  as  Judge  Hall  says.  It  is  one  of  the  tricks  of  trade, 
by  which  things  are  made  to  represent  more  labor  than  it 
costs  to  make  them. 

If  such  a  plan  as  here  proposed,  and  as  once  existed, 
when  men  were  honest,  there  never  could  exist  a  necessity 
for  an  alteration  of  it,  neither  would  it  ever  be  allowed  by 
the  people. 

If  an  unusual  influx  of  gold  should  happen  to  take  place, 
by  the  discovery  of  it  in  larger  quantities,  or  by  the  discovery 
of  some  process  by  which  a  given  quantity  could  be  produced 
at  less  cost,  or  in  less  time  than  formerly,  it  would,  natur- 
ally, become  cheaper;  or,  in  other  words,  an  ounce  would 
sell  for  a  less  number  of  dollars,  or  ounces  of  silver.  On 
the  contrary,  if  gold  should  become  more  scarce,  or  cost 
more  labor  to  produce  the  same  quantity,  than  formerly, 
then  it  would,  naturally,  become  dearer ;  or,  in  other  words, 
an  ounce  would  exchange  for  more  dollars  or  ounces  of 
silver.  But  in  no  case  would  it  ever  be  necessary  to  alter 
the  weight  or  fineness  of  the  coins.  One  of  the  metals 
only  should  be  made  a  legal  tender  in  payment  of  debts ; 
the  other  should  only  be  considered  an  article  of  commerce. 
If  this  were  the  case,  no  difficulty  would  occur  in  case  the 
relative  commercial  values  of  the  two  metals  should  hap- 
pen to  be  disturbed.  This  is  wherein  our  own  laws  are 
defective,  because  they  make  gold  and  silver  both  legal 
tenders  in  payment  of  debts ;  the  consequence  was,  that 
the  gold  was  rapidly  leaving  the  country  to  find  a  better 
price  in  Europe,  where  they  gave  sixteen  dollars  an  ounce ; 
whereas,  in  this  country,  the  law  required  only  fifteen  to 
be  paid  for  it.  No  one,  therefore,  would  be  willing  to  take 
fifteen  dollars  for  an  article,  that  he  could  get  sixteen  for. 
If  the  law,  therefore,  had  made  but  one  of  the  metals  a 
legal  tender,  there  would  have  been  no  necessity  to  have 
altered  our  gold  coin  as  it  was  in  1834,  especially,  if  the 
coins  had  been  of  equal  weight.  This  subject  has  been 
explained  in  the  ninth  chapter ;  and  if  the  reader's  mind 
wants  refreshing,  he  had  better  turn  to  it. 

The  copper  coins  do  not  enter  into  the  aggregate  value 
of  the  circulating  medium,  being  only  an  article  of  conve- 
nience to  represent  the  small  fractions ;  their  value  being 
altogether  nominal.  The  commercial  value  of  copper  is 
not  over  twenty-four  cents  per  pound ;  but,  in  cents  coined, 
there  is  forty  to  the  pound,  but  are  not  a  legal  tender :  if 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY 


99 


they  were  made  so,  it  would  be  necessary,  to  prevent  im- 
positions, to  restrict  the  number  in  any  single  payment,  as 
it  is  in  England  at  present — say  not  over  ninety-nine. 
That  such  a  provision  would  be  of  much  utility,  must  be 
evident  to  all ;  and  would,  in  time,  break  up  the  money 
juggling  of  the  world. 


TABLE  OF  VALUES  AND  EQUIVALENTS. 


Commodities. 

Prices. 

In  Mills.      1 

Equivalents  in  oun 

Gold, 

$16  00  per 

oz. 

16,000 

1 

Silver, 

1  00 

do. 

1,000 

16 

Tea, 

75 

Ib. 

750 

340 

Leather, 

62^ 

Ib. 

625 

409.6 

Beeswax, 

50 

do. 

500 

512 

Coffee, 

37^ 

do. 

375 

682.6 

Copper, 

25 

do. 

250 

1,024 

Tin, 

20 

do. 

200 

1,280 

Sugar, 

12£ 

do. 

125 

2,040 

Buttery 

10 

do. 

100 

2,560 

Ham, 

7 

do. 

70 

3,666.6 

Lard, 

5 

do. 

50 

5,120 

Iron, 

4 

do. 

40 

6,400 

Pork, 

3 

do. 

30 

8,533| 

Flour, 

2 

do. 

20 

12,800 

Hay, 

J  cent 

do. 

5 

51,200 

It  must  be  evident,  from  an  inspection  of  the  above  table,  that  as  the  products 
of  labor  become  more  and  more  concentrated,  they  become  more  and  more  valua- 
ble: this  arises  principally  from  two  causes.  First,  from  the  additional  quantity 
of  labor,  for  which  the  producer  must  be  paid,  or  quit  the  business.  Second, 
from  the  fact  that  they  become  more  durable,  less  bulky,  and  can,  therefore,  be 
transported  to  a  greater  distance  than  before;  for  all  which  the  distant  consumer 
is  willing  to  pay  in  all  cases  where  the  article  wanted  cannot  be  produced  at 
home.  And,  with  this  kind  of  intercourse,  governments  ought  never  be  allowed 
to  interfere,  as  all  interference  of  the  kind  are  violations  of  individual  rights.  As 
the  exchangable  value  of  all  commodities  arises  from  the  quantity  of  labor  re- 
quired to  produce  them,  the  last  column  shows  that  one  ounce  of  gold  is  equal 
in  value  to  512  ounces  of  beeswax,  or  thirty-two  pounds.  The  reason  is,  that  it 
requires  the  same  amount  of  labor  to  produce  and  bring  to  market  512  ounces  of 
beeswax,  as  it  will  one  ounce  of  gold :  and  so  of  all  other  commodities.  When 
the  mass  of  the  people  understand  the  truth  of  these  principles,  but  one  kind  of 
weights  will  be  used  for  weighing  all  things  that  are  bought  and  sold  by  weight ; 
the  mysteries  of  commerce  will  be  developed,  and  mankind,  from  the  necessity  of 
the  case,  will  be  obliged  to  return  to  the  practice  of  justice  and  honesty.  But 
legal  property,  or  money  value  in  the  elements,  must  first  be  abolished. 


100  WORKING   MAN'S 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

HUMAN    RIGHTS. 

THE  following  Declarat.inn  of  Hnmnn  RiVTits3  was  adopt- 
ed  by  the  NationfaTReform  Association  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
-:3-8467~~Snd  it  is  inTaccordance  with  the  principles  con- 
tained therein,  that  this  work  is  written,  .with  a  view  jto 

promote    TrUtk  md  -/".**?>*  *  ™  nn  pr  rn  i  nkiprl . 

Therefore,  we  most  ardently  hope  that  all  honest  seekers 
after  truth,  who  are  disposed  to  render  justice  to  their  fel- 
low men,  will  give  the  document  a  careful,  candid  and 
unprejudiced  consideration.  To  those  who  require  ot 
others  what  they  are  unwilling  to  grant  themselves,  we 
have  nothing  to  say. 

"DECLARATION  OF  HUMAN  RIGHTS. 

"  We,  the  undersigned,  citizens  of  the  United  States,  hereby 
declare  and  make  known  to  the  world — 

That,  whereas,  all  heretofore  systems  of  governments,  that 
have  been  established  for  the  purpose  of  regulating  the  civil  affairs 
of  mankind,  have  been,  and  still  are,  most  glaringly  unjust,  oppres- 
sive, cruel  and  tyrannical  to  a  large  portion  of  the  human  family, 
especially  the  working  classes ;  by  violating  and  depriving  them  of 
many  of  their  dearest  and  most  sacred  rights.  These  statements 
we  are  ready  to  prove,  by  the  most  unequivocal  evidence,  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  honest  and  candid  minds  disposed  to  render  their 
fellow  men  justice. 

"  time  immemorial,  a  self-constituted,  select  and  powerful 

few  havjjjusurped  the  law -making  poWer",  ariST  have  imposed  the 
fruits  of  their  iniquity~and  unrighteous  enactments  uporjLJLlari-L6 
majority  ofjKeir~moYe'  ignorant,  weak  and  defenceless  fellow  men, 
without  their  will  or  consentT" 

They  have  deceived  us  HyVunning  sophisms,  learned  mysticisms, 
.and  the  rucm  jingle  of  unmeaning  words,  totally  disregarding  the 
jrights  and  feelings-  of  their  fellow  men.  Tji^y  hnvp  prjypp  ns  error 
for  truth,  n.nd  tpithjhr  p.rror.  They  navegiv^jl-tte^WTOTlglbr right, 
and  right  fpr  wrongT~evil  for  good,'  a\lTa*"~good  for  evil.  They  have 
given  us  a  code  of  laws  which  themselves  admit  to  be  contrary 
and  in  opposition  to  all  natural  right,  and  pronounce  them  "para- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  101 

doxicdl  and  unnatural  institutions" — made  them  legal  and  binding 
on  their  fellow  men;  and,  for  the  slightest  breach  thereof,  have  in- 
flicted the  most  grievous  pains  and  penalties. 

They  have  invented  false  maxims  in  regard  to  the  appropriation 
of  the  land ;  acted  upon  them  as  though  they  were  based  upon 
truth ;  at  the  same  time  Mr.  Blackstone  admits  the  whole  to  be  a 
•  mere  fiction. '  This  fraud,  being  committed,  was  legalized,  made 
binding  on  society,  was  continued  and  perpetuated  over  the  civilized 
world  down  to  the  present  time  ;  by  which  means,  a  large  majority 
of  mankind-have  been  deprived  oi"  their"  natural  find  unalienablo 
right  to  the  free  use  of  God's  earth.j[  which  He  gave  to  no  man  in 
p&rtrcai&F,  but  the  free  use  to  all  mankind,  in  ages  past,  present, 
and  to  come,)  except  on  the  terms  dictated  by  our  self-made  lords 
and  masters.  Rf^si rl e. %  \yji i ch .  we  have  been  deprived  of  our  right 
to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  ourjown  toil  and  industry TtKereby  reducing 
us  to  a  state  of  ffopftndencet  poverty,  slavery  a^nd'destTtuti^n" 

All  these  unjust,  false  principles, -legal,  frauds  and  enactments, 
we  unhesitatingly  dissent  from,  abjure,  repudiate  and  reject,  from 
this  time,  henceforth  and  forever. 

In  lieu  thereof,  we  propose,  for  the  government  of  civil  society, 
a  simple  code  of  laws,  based  upon  natural  and  immutable  justice, 
God's  holy  law  of  righteousness  and  equity — it  being  in  perfect 
accordance  with  man's  natural  and  unalienable  rights ;  and  by  a  full 
knowledge  of  which  only,  can  society  be  regenerated  and  redeemed 
from  its  poverty,  wretchedness,  hypocrisy,  infidelity,  crime  and 
misery  ;  and,  by  its  genial  influence,  render  mankind  virtuous  and 
happy,  and  will  be  the  certain  means  of  accomplishing,  practically, 
the  benign  precepts  of  the  gospel. 

The  natural  and  unalienable  rights  of  all  men,  without  excep- 
tion, are: 

First.  The  right  TO  personal  security  in  an  uninterrupted  enjoy- 
ment of  life  and  liberty — his  limbs,  his  health  and  his  reputation 

Second.  The  right  to  own  and  possess,  as  bona-fide  property, 
whatever  may  be  made  or  produced  by  the  energies  or  capabilities 
of  the  body  and  limbs  of  which  he  only  is  the  rightful  owner.  ^And 
such  property  he  has  an  indisputable  right  to  keep,  consume  n^fe- 
gtroy,  at  pleasure,  to  give  or  bequeath,  to  sell  or  exchange  ;_and 
when  he  gives  up  any  portion  oi  it,  lor  the  use  of  others,  £'els1Jn 
justice,  entitled  to  an  equivalent,  but  no  more. 

Third.  The  right  to  the  equal  use  oi  all.  the  elements  as  they 
exist  in  a  state  of  nature,  to  wit:  air,  sunshine,  his  due  portion  of 
jand,  and  no  more;  water,  fruits,  vegetables,  wild  animals,  fish, 
&c.  :  also,  whatever  exists  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth. 

Fourth.  The  right  to  the  full  enjoyment  of  his  religious  opin- 
ions, and  to  worship  God  according  to  the  dictates  of  his  own  con- 
science ;  being  accountable  to  Him  alone  for  the  same. 


102  WORKING  MAN ''s 

These  truths,  one  and  all  ,we  hold  to  be  self-evident ;  and  to  yio- 

lafe  any_part_of  them,  eithe^bj^_governments  or  individuals,  is 

^vvrong,  unlusran^Tnrrts^ouKjherefore  our  right  to  resist.     And, 

Tor  metruttTbTThese  principles^  we  appeal  to  the  feelings  of  all 

men,  and  subrmTtTTe  following  test.- — fceTany  individual,  who  may 

feel  disposed  td~bbjeci  tu  any  of  iliem,  designate  which  right  it  is 

that  he  does  not  claim  for  himself,  or  is  willing  to  renounce. 

COROLLARIES. 

1st.  Any  act  which  is,  in  its  nature,  wrong,  never  can  be  made 
right  by  the  dictation  of  a  despot,  nor  by  the  act  of  a  legislative 
body. 

2 nd.  All  piadnr.ts  nf  >hnr,  nr  personn.1  ap.rvices,  oughLjn  |usticeT 
to  be  exchanged  on  the  basis  of  cost  or  equal  amounts ;  taking  ad 
*  vantage  ol  me  necessities  oi  others,  to  obtain  more,  being  robbery. 
"3rd.  Slavery  consists  in  being  constrained  to  serve  others^to  a 
greater  extent  than  we  are  served  in  return. 

4th.  Governments  do  wrong  when  they  confer  upon,  or  grant  a 
privilege  or  advantage~to  an  IndiviHuaT  wfeicK  cannot  in  safety  be 
granted  to  all. 

— 6th.  The  only  remuneration  any  individual  has  a  right  to  de- 
mand of  another,  for  the  use  of  property,  is  wear  and  tear,  or 
depreciation. 

These  five  corollaries  being  naturally  deduced  from  the  Decla- 
ration of  Rights,  may  be,  therefore,  laid  down  as  axioms." 

We  shall,  perhaps,  be  told  that  such  principles,  as  here 
advocated,  can  never  be  reduced  to  practice.  This  we 
freely  admit,  so  long  as  society  is  governed  and  controlled 
by  our  present  "  unnatural  and  paradoxical  institutions," 
whicn  prevent  us  from  doing  right,  and  impel  us  to  do 
wrong.  To  remove  them,  is  our  object  and  aim — not  to 
blame  or  censure  individuals ;  for,  whether  we  be  right 
doers  or  wrong  doers,  we  are  equally  the  victims  of  their 
baneful  and  corrupting  influence — a  man  daring  not  be 
honest  if  he  would.  All  we  ask  for,  is  common  justice, 
nothing  more  :  if  this  cannot  be  had,  is  it  not  all  nonsense 
to  speak  of  religion  and  morality?  Surely,  it  is. 

But  justice  can  and  will  be  had.  Let  but  these  principles 
be  disseminated  and  understood  by  the  mass  of  mankind, 
and  all  the  combined  efforts  of  error,  darkness  and  tyranny, 
cannot  prevent  the  triumphant  reign  of  Truth  and  Justice. 

In  conclusion  of  tnis  chapter  we  shall  quote  some  pas- 
sages from  the  celebrated  Blacks  tone,  which  are  directly 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  103 

to  the  point  we  wish  to  elucidate  ;  and,  than  which,  we 
think,  nothing  better  can  be  written  or  said.  He  says 
vol.  1,  page  124: 


jjThe  principal  aim  of  society  is  to  protect  individuals  in  the  en- 
joyment of/  those  absolute  rights  which  were  vested  in  them  by  the^ 
i  mmutable  laws  of  nature,  but  which  could  not  be  preserved  in 
peace  without  thalznutual  assistance  and  intercourse  which  is  gained 

by  the  institution  of  friendly  and   social'  communities.     Hence  it 
and  pri™Q»y  p.nrl  nf-  human  Inw^  iTTTrn?m?- 


regulate  these  absolute  rights  vf  -individuals. 

SuclTTights  as  are~social  and  relative,  result  from7  and  are  poste- 
rior to  the  formation  of  states  and  societies  ;  so  that  to  maintain 
and  regulate  these,  is  clearly  but  a  subsequent  (or  after)  considera- 
tion. And,  therefore,  the  principal  view  of  human  laws  is,  or 
ought  always  to  be,  to  explain,  protect  and  enforce  such  rights  as 
are  absolute,  which  are,  in  themselves,  few  and  simple.'91  [And,  we 
say,  easily  understood.] 

"  The  absolute  rights  of  man,  considered  as  a  free*  agent,"  en- 
dowed with  discernment  to  know  good  from  evil,  (or  pleasure  from 
pain,)  and  with  power  of  choosing  those  measures  which  appear  to 
him  to  be  most  desirable,  (or  will  afford  the  greatest  amount  of  hap- 
piness or  pleasurable  sensations,)  are  usually  summed  up  in  one 

General  appellation,  and  denominated  '  the  natural  liberty  of  man- 
ind.'  This  natural  liberty  consists,  properly,  in  a  power  of  acting 
as  one  thinks  fit,  without  any  restraint  or  control,  unless  by  the  law 
of  nature  —  being  a  right  inherent  in  us  by  birth,  and  one  of  the 
gifts  of  God  to  man  at  his  creation,"  [or  whenever  He  brings  him 
into  existence.] 

"  Political  or  civil  liberty,  which  is  that  of  a  member  of  society, 
is  no  other  than  natural  liberty,  so  far  restrained  by  human  laws, 
and  no  farther,  than  is  necessary  and  expedient  for  the  general 
advantage  of  the  public."  [That  is,  than  will  promote  the  greatest 
amount  of  happiness.]  Hence,  we  may  collect,  that  the  law  which 

*  There  is  much  misunderstanding  in  regard  to  the  term,  free  agency.  Man 
is  only  free  to  do  good;  he  is  never  free  to  do  himself  an  injury,  or  inflict  on 
himself  pain,  as  every  one  may  know  by  appealing  to  his  own  feelings  and  expe- 
rience. True,  men  do  often  injure  themselves  ;  but  self-injury  is  never  the  object 
of  a  deliberate,  or  voluntary  act,  must  be  evident  to  all.  When  men  do  injure 
themselves,  it  is  clearly  attributable,  either  to  habitual  ignorance  or  a  want  of 
reflection  in  not  looking  to  ultimate  consequences.  Besides,  "free  agent"  is  a 
solecism,  or  paradox;  each  member  of  the  term  annulling  the  other,  like  two 
negatives  in  the  same  sentence.  Agent,  being  one  who  is.  required  and  bound 
to  execute  the  will  of  another  ;  therefore,  can,  in  no  sense,  be  free.  If  man  be 
but  an  agent,  he  cannot  be  free  ;  if  he  be  free  to  act  as  he  wills,  chooses,  or 
pleases,  he  cannot  be  an  agent.  This  is  clear.  Therefore,  the  terra  "  *ree  agent" 
is  an  absurdity. 


104  WORKINGMAN'S 

restrains  a  man  from  doing  mischief  to  his  fellow  citizens,  thougn 
il  diminishes  the  natural,  increases  the  civil  liberty  of  mankind; 
but  every  wanton  and  causeless  restraint  of  the  will  of  the  subject, 
whether  practised  by  a  monarch,  a  nobility,  or  a  populai  assembly, 
is  a  degree  of  tyranny."  [And,  to  resist  it,  is  obedience  to  God.] 

Now,  we  should  like  to  know,  if  anything  can  be  writ- 
ten more  radical  than  the  foregoing  sentiments  of  Mr. 
Blackstone  ?  Again  he  says,  page  40,  vol.  1  : 

"  As,  therefore,  the  Creator  is  a  being  not  only  of  infinite  power 
and  wisdom,  but  also  of  infinite  goodness,  He  has  been  pleased  so 
to  contrive  the  constitution  and  frame  of  humanity,  that  we  should 
want  no  other  prompter  to  enquire  after  and  pursue  the  rule  of 
right,  but  our  own  self-love,  that  universal  principle  of  action. 
For  he  has  so  intimately  connected,  so  inseparably  interwoven  the 
laws  of  Eternal  Justice  with  the  happiness  of  each  individual,  that 
the  latter  cannot  be  obtained  but  by  observing  the  former ;  and  if 
the  former  be  punctually  obeyed,  it  cannot  but  induce  the  latter. 
[That  is,  the  happiness  of  mankind  cannot  be  attained  but  by  act- 
ing in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  Eternal  Justice,  as  put  forth  in 
the  '  declaration  of  human  rights.'  And  if  they  are  punctually 
obeyed,  and  human  rights  are  not  violated,  it  cannot  fail  to  induce 
universal  happiness  amo.ig  mankind.]  In  consequence  of  which 
mutual  connection  of  justice  and  human  felicity,  He  has  not  per- 
plexed the  law  of  nature  with  a  multitude  of  abstracted  rules  and 
precepts,  referring  merely  to  the  fitness  or  unfitness  of  [artificial] 
things,  as  some  have  vainly  surmised ;  but  has  graciously  reduced 
the  r.iie  of  obedience  to  this  one  paternal  precept,  'THAT  MAN 
SHOULD  PURSUE  HIS  OWN  HAPPINESS.'  This  is  the 
foundation  of  what  we  call  ethics,  or  natural  law.  For  the  several 
articles  into  which  it  is  branched  in  our  systems,  amount  to  no 
more  than  demonstrating  that  this  or  that  action  tends  to  man's  leal 
happiness,  and,  therefore,  very  justly  concluding  that  the  perform- 
ance of  it  is  a  part  of  the  law  of  nature;  or,  on  the  other  hand, 
that  this  or  that  action  is  destructive  .to  man's  real  happiness,  and, 
therefore,  that  the  law  of  nature  forbids  it.  [Therefore  a  virtue  in 
us  to  resist  its  operations.] 

"  This  law  of  nature  being  coeval  with  mankind,  anjL  dictated 
by  tjrod  himself,  is,  of  course,  superior  in  obligation  to  any  other. 
It  is  binding  over  all  the  globe,  in  all  countries,  and  at  all  times: 
ho  human  laws  arc  of  any  validity  if  contrary  to  thi&+  and~such  of 
them  as  are  valid,  dcr'n-c  all  their  force,  and  all  the  it  authority, 
jnediutely  or  immediately,' from  thin  Original. 

"  Butj-tn  order  to  apply  this  to  the  particular  exigencies  of  each 
individual,  it  is  still  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  reason,  whose 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  105 

office  it  is  to  discover,  by  considering  what  method  [or  moral  ac- 
tion] will  tend  the  most  effectually  to  [promote]  our  own  substantial 
happiness.  And  if  our  reason  were  always  clear  and  perfect,  un- 
ruffled by  passion,  unclouded  by  prejudice,  unimpaired  by  disease 
or  intemperance,  the  task  would  be  pleasant  and  easy — we  should 
need  no  other  guide  'but-  this.  But  every  man  now  finds  the  con- 
trary in  his  own  experience ;  that  his  reason  is  corrupt,  and  his 
understanding  full  of  ignorance  and  error." 

So  says  Blackstone.  Now  the  great  question  upon  which 
our  happiness  and  the  peace  of  mankind  depends,  is,  are 
these  doctrines  true  ?  Surely,  no  one  can  doubt  their  truth, 
if  he  but  lay  aside  his  prejudices  long  enough  to  examine 
the  subject,  and  appeal  to  his  own  unbiased  judgment,  his 
own  natural  feelings,  his  own  observation  and  experience, 
especially  when  he  takes  into  view  his  own  relative  con- 
nection with  the  rest  of  his  species.  Let  him  but  do  this, 
and  he  will  find  his  task  pleasant  and  easy,  and  cannot 
fail  to  come  to  right  conclusions,  if  he  is  a  sincere  seeker 
after  truth,  and  is  disposed  to  be  just  to  his  fellow  men. 
"Prove  all  things — hold  fast  that  which  is  good." 

If,  then,  these  doctrines  be  true,  why  is  it  that  so  much 
crime  and  misery  exist  in  the  world,  while  the  universal 
and  ever  continuous  and  most  ardent  desire  of  all  men  is 
to  enjoy  happiness?  We  ask,  why  is  it?  It  is  because  a 
"paradoxical  and  unnatural"  system  of  artificial  law  has 
been  imposed  upon  us,  by  which  our  reason  has  been 
blinded  and  corrupted,  and  our  understanding  perverted 
by  the  ignorance  and  errors  of  those  who  have  heretofore 
controlled  our  destiny.  They  have  mistaken  the  right  road 
to  happiness  themselves,  by  violating  the  divine  law  which 
governs  our  being ;  we  have  followed  our  blind  guides, 
and,  consequently,  have  all  fallen  into  the  ditch  of  misery 
together. 

The  fundamental  error  of  our  lordly  ancestors  has  been 
this :  that  we  promote  our  own  happiness  best  by  violating 
the  rights  of  others,  in  monopolizing  and  making  private 
property  of  the  elements  of  nature,  \vhich  were  the  free 
gift  of  God  in  common  to  all  mankind,  and  by  plundering 
others  of  the  fruits  of  their  industry.  This,  then,  is  the 
false  notion  that  has  corrupted  our  hearts  and  our  reason, 
blinded  our  eyes,  and  prevented  us  from  having  a  clear 
view  of  our  own  true  interest,  or  the  right  road  to  hap- 
piness. 


IOC  WORKING  MAN'S 

Let  mankind  but  see  clearly  the  way  to  promote  and 
secure  their  own  happiness,  and  it  will  be  accomplished — 
nothing  can  prevent  it; — 

"  For  [as  Blackstone  says]  God  has  so  intimately  connected,  so 
inseparably  interwoven  the  laws  of  eternal  justice  with  the  happi- 
ness of  each  individual,  that  the  latter  cannot  be  attained  but  by 
observing  the  former;  and  if  the  former  be  punctually  obeyed,  it 
cannot  fail  to  induce  the  latter.  He  has  also  graciously  reduced 
the  law  of  obedience  to  this  one  paternal  precept,  that  man  should 
pursue  his  own  happiness.11 

And  this  is  the  whole  social  and  moral  duty  of  man. 
This  divine  and  immutable  law,  Mr.  Blackstone  says, 

"  Being  coeval  with  mankind,  and  dictated  by  God  himself,  is, 
of  course,  superior  in  obligation  to  any  other.  It  is  binding  over 
all  the  globe,  in  all  countries,  and  at  all  times ;  no  human  laws  are 
of  any  validity  if  contrary  to  this;  and  such  of  them  as  are  valid, 
derive  all  their  force  and  all  their  authority  from  this  [divine] 
original." 

It  is  in  the  violation  of  this  great  fundamental  and  im- 
mutable law  of  eternal  justice,  that  we  find  a  solution  to 
that  strange  and  monstrous  anomaly  which  stares  us  in  the 
face  in  all  so  called  civilized  countries  where  the  popula- 
tion is  dense : 

"That  the  great  evil  which,  in  these  modern  times,  most  per 
plexes  society  and  bewilders  political  economists,  is  OVER  PRO- 
DUCTION! that,  in  consequence  of  the  people  producing  too 
much,  they  therefore  have  too  little !  that  the  scarcity  of  consumers 
is  owing  to  an  excess  of  population !  and  that  the  power  of  the 
country  to  create  unbounded  wealth,  is  the  cause  of  the  unbounded 
destitution  and  wretchedness  of  its  inhabitants." 

Charles  Rowcroft's  Ned  Lacy. 

What  a  paradoxical  and  unnatural  state  of  affairs  it  is ! 
but  it  is  truly  described.  The  few  have  made  shipwreck  of 
their  own  happiness,  and  prevented  the  many  from  pursu- 
ing theirs,  by  violating  the  immutable  law  of  eternal  jus- 
tice. But  the  evident  truth  is,  we  secure  our  own  happi- 
ness best  by  promoting  that  of  others.  For  if  we  do  not 
respect  the  rights  and  feelings  of  others,  with  what  degree 
of  consistency  can  we  expect  others  to  respect  ours?  We 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  107 

should  be  insane  if  we  did.     Therefore  it  is  plain  that  our 
interest  and  duty  is  but  one  and  the  same  thing.     We  shall 
lose  nothing  by  making  all  men  our  friends;  neither  shall 
we  gain  anything  by  making  one  single  man  an  enemy 
And, 

"For  modes  of  faith,  let  graceless  bigots  fight; 
His  can't  be  wrong,  whose  life  is  in  the  right." 

Pope. 

Seize  upon  truth,  wherever  found, 
On  Christian  or  on  heathen  ground ; 
Among  your  friends,  among  your  foes, — 
The  plant 's  divine,  where'er  it  grows. 

Cowper. 

The  strongest  evidence  we  can  have  of  the  truth  of  any- 
thing, is  the  evidence  of  our  own  senses.  The  next 
strongest  is  analogy ;  and  the  weakest,  and  least  to  be  de- 
pended upon,  is  that  of  testimony,  written  or  oral :  but, 
remember,  we  are  never  convinced  of  the  truth  or  falsehood 
of  anything  because  we  will  or  choose:  it  is  the  force  of 
evidence,  which  convinces  us  of  the  truth  of  what  is  pro- 
posed, and  if  we  disbelieve,  it  is  because  there  is  a  lack  of 
evidence.  Therefore,  we  should  not  blame  or  censure 
others,  because  they  do  not  believe  as  we  do.  We  violate 
the  great  law  if  we  do.  We  shall  now  quote  another  gem 
from  Pope,  to  show  that  he  and  Blackstone  perfectly  coin- 
cided in  regard  to  the  doctrines  just  advanced. 

"  Self-love,  the  spring  of  motion,  acts  the  soul, 
Reason's  comparing  balance  regulates  the  whole; 
Man,  but  for  this,  (self-love,)  no  action  could  attend, 
And,  but  for  that,  (reason,)  were  action  to  no  end." 

The  above  four  lines  constitute  a  volume  on  human  na- 
ture, and  is  worthy  of  much  serious  consideration. 

Now,  if  the  foregoing  doctrines  be  true,  we  are  irresisti- 
bly drawn  to  the  conclusion,  that  every  person  that  does 
a  wrong  act,  is,  to  that  degree,  insane ;  and  it  would  seem 
that  the  idea  is  becoming  prevalent,  from  the  complexion 
of  many  of  the  decisions  latterly  given  in  our  courts  of 
justice  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  If  it  be  so,  it  is 
clear  that,  instead  of  pursuing  the  delinquent  with  ven- 
geance, pains  and  penalties,  it  is  the  imperative  duty  of 


108 


WORKING     MAN'S 


those  who  wish  to  reform  mankind,  to  endeavor  to  remove 
the  temptations  which  cause  them  to  err,  and  convince 
them  of  their  errors. 

Convince  a  man  of  his  error,  and  he  will  do  right  with- 
out compulsion ;  if  you  cannot  do  this,  vain  and  fruitless 
will  be  your  endeavors  to  reform  him.  An  ounce  of  pre- 
vention is  worth  ten  thousand  pounds  of  cure.  But  we 
should  always  be  extremely  careful,  while  we  require 
others  to  do  right,  that  we  ourselves  are  not  doing  wrong ; 
thereby  teaching  wrong  much  faster  and  stronger  by  ex- 
ample, than  we  teach  right  by  mere  precept. 

This  has  been  the  great  error  of  our  original  law- 
makers :  they  have  been  the  first  and  greatest  aggressors 
and  violators  of  right  themselves ;  at  the  same  time  not 
only  requiring  others  to  be  just,  but  also  to  submit  quietly 
to  their  tyrannous  impositions.  And  if  an  oppressed  indi- 
vidual dared  but  attempt  to  do  himself  justice,  or  murmur 
a  complaint,  he  must  be  strangled  to  death — have  his  head 
chopped  off,  or  doomed  to  drag  out  a  miserable  existence 
within  the  walls  of  a  flesh-consuming,  solitary  dungeon. 
And  this,  they  have  had  the  unblushing  audacity  to  call 
justice.  What  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions  /" 

What  a  sad  reflection  it  is  to  think  of,  that  such  a 
talented  man,  such  a  profound  thinker  as  Blackstone  was 
who  could  demonstrate  and  explain  so  perfectly,  in  sucl 
simple  yet  dignified  language,  the  divine  law  of  immutabk 
justice,  should  forget  himself,  or  disregard  and  entirely  la} 
aside  those  fundamental  principles  he  had  set  out  with  ; 
that  he  should  devote,  perhaps,  the  best  portion  of  his  life 
to  the  task  of  surrounding  with  mystery  and  sophistry,  in 
defence  of  a  set  of  laws  pretended  to  have  for  their  object 
the  good  government  of  society,  which,  as  a  whole,  he 
must  have  well  known  to  be  an  outrageous  violation  of  the 
great  law  of  immutable  justice,  which,  he  tells  us,  is  supe- 
rior to  all  other  laws ;  and,  if  contrary  to  it,  are  of  no  va- 
lidity whatever.  But  so  it  is ;  the  short-sighted  selfishness 
of  the  king  and  the  capitalist  must  be  served,  if  he  wrote 
at  all,  or  else  have  lost  his  head. 

We  are  now  through  with  fundamental  principles,  and 
shall  call  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  the  consideration 
of  some  special  measures,  which  have  been  adopted  in 
various  countries,  for  the  alleged  purpose  of  inducing  the 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  109 

prosperity  of  the  people,  but  which,  we  propose  to  show, 
have  quite  a  contrary  effect.  They  are  as  follows : 

First.  Permanent  Funded  Debts,  whether  of  a  national 
character,  or  otherwise. 

Second.   The  Banking  system. 

Third.   Tariffs,  under  the  plea  of  Protection. 


110  WORKING  MAN'S 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

PERMANENT    FUNDED    DEBTS. 

WE  have  been  so  long  under  the  dominion  of  error  — 
have  become  so  familiar  with  it,  and  look  upon  it  with 
such  complacency,  that  the  simple  announcement  of  the 
truth  startles  us  almost  with  affright.  But  the  time  has 
now  arrived  when  it  must  be  told  ;  suffering  humanity  im- 
periously demands  it.  Let  this  be  our  apology. 

Some  political  wiseacres  have  told  us,  that  public  debts 
are  public  blessings  ;  but  they  have  never  explained  the 
subject,  nor  told  us  why,  nor  who  were  the  receivers  of 
the  blessings,  and  at  whose  cost  and  suffering  these  bless- 
ings were  paid  ;  or,  rather,  who  they  are  forcibly  filched 
from.  There  is,  perhaps,  among  all  the  schemes  invented 
for  the  "purpose  of  enabling  the  fcvv^U>4ivg^gtt^;exp 
of  the  manyTnone  betterculculateTM^rWork  this~end  than 
the  establishment  of  permarreTit!y-funde3~  debts  ;  because, 
"every  Bo  dv  ImoWS"  that  interest,  al  six  per  cent.,  in  less 
than  seventeen  years,  will  equal  the  capital  invested. 
jyve  should  like  to  knpwby  wh  at  j*ule  qf_right,  justic  e 
or^equity,  when  the  original  sum  15orrowed  has  once  been 
honestly  paid,  why  it  should  be  palcTggaiii,  and  llrat,  too, 
many  times  over,  and  by  those  whojie^^  boirgwed  it,  nor 
ftvftr  ha.f^  tfrp  HSR  nf  it?Jjtow  can  a  man  owe  anything  to 
another  previous  to  his  own  birth  ?  or,  to  another,  from 
received  anything?  .Producers  of 


wealth,  it  is  for  us  to  look  into  this  matter. 

Th~e  fact,  that  if  only  one  dollar  being  invested  perma- 
nently, and  so  continued  long  enough,  would  require  all 
the  money  in  the  world  to  pay  the  interest,  is  proof  that 
there  is  something  fundamentally  wrong  in  the  principle. 
When  we  purchase  a  coat,  a  hat,  or  a  pair  of  shoes,  we 
pay  for  them  but  once  ;  and  if  the  seller  should  demand 
pay  a  second  time,  he  would  only  be  laughed  at  —  every 
body  at  once  perceiving  the  absurdity  of  the  demand. 
!Yet,  if  we_jiurchase  a  large  sum  of  money,  or  even  only 

rnnnp.y  —  (nn  timp.3  a.s  t.hp.  mrmpy  jngrpTp 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY  ]]J 

jpurchase _a_can al ,  a  rail  road,  gas  works,  water  works,  or 
^nthpr  pnh1ic_imgrovement7or  purchase  an  expensive  war, 
they  are  required  to  be  paid  for  many  times  over,  and  the 
obligati^nsjtr^ismitted  to  future  generations;  Jjy  which 
"nreans7  the~members  of  society  are  born  into  the" world  in 
two  distinct  classes,  possessing  unequal  rights  at  birth, 
namely,  debtors  and  creditors,  though  no  transactions  have 
yet  occurred  between  the  parties,  fn  other  words,  the 
greatest  portion  of  mankind  are  born  with  saddles  on  their 
backs,  and  a  lordly  few,  ready  booted  and  spurred,  to 
ride  them. 

We  ask,  now,  is  there  any  justice  in  such  operations  ? 
Surely,  there  is  not.  But,  producers  of  wealth,  this  is  a 
question  for  you  to  decide  ;  for  it  is  you  who  are  born  with 
saddles  on  your  backs,  and  you  alone  foot  up  and  pay  all 
these  bills  of  expense.  We  do  contend,  that  when  a  debt 
has  been  once  paid  back  by  the  interest,  that  it  is,  and 
ought  in  justice  to  be,  cancelled;  for,  whatever  the  debtor 
pays  beyond  this,  he  receives  no  equivalent  for;  neither  is 
there  any  justice  in  forcing  the  payment  of  it. 

There  has  been  no  scheme  yet  invented,  by  the  money 
lords  of  the  world,  that  consummates  and  brings  to  perfec- 
tion, with  more  certainty,  that  perplexing  paradox,  ob- 
servable in  all  civilized  countries,  (where  the  people  suffer 
from  over-production — where  the  scarcity  of  consumers  is 
owing  to  an  excess  of  population,  and  the  power  of  a 
country  to  create  unbounded  wealth  is  the  cause  of  the 
poverty  and  destitution  of  its  inhabitants,)  than  the  estab- 
lishment of  funded  permanent  debts.  Nothing  has  a  more 
certain  tendency  to  make  the  rich  richer,  and  the  poor 
poorer;  and  if  the  practice  is  persisted  in,  a  time  must 
come  when  there  will  not  be  money  enough  in  the  world 
to  pay  the  interest  on  the  investments. 

The  public  debt  of  Great  Britain  has  been  paid  and  re- 
paid to  the  original  creditors,  or  their  successors,  several 
times  over:  why,  then,  in  the  name  of  justice,  should  it 
be  paid  again?  Let  the  producers  of  wealth  answer,  as 
they  alone  are  the  sufferers.  In  our  view  of  the  matter, 
the  wisest,  the  most  just  and  virtuous  act  the  British  gov- 
ernment could  do  would  be  to  wipe  out  at  a  stroke,  as  it 
were  with  a  sponge,  the  whole  stupendous  pauper-making 
contrivance — "get  rid  of  such  excrescences — cast  off  such 
burdens" — abolish  such  blighting,  withering  curses.  How 


112  WORKING    MAN'S 

many  hearts  it  would  make  glad,  no  tongue  can  tell.  It 
would  be  worthy  of  a  universal  jubilee. 

We  shall,  no  doubt.be  told  that,  to  abolish  suchjjebts, 
would  be  gross  injustice,  inasmuch  as  it  would  reduce  fo 
want  and  beggary  many  widows  and  orphans.  There  is 
some  weight,  to  be  sure,  in  this  argument ;  but  it  is  trans- 
cendently  outweighed  by  the  consideration  that  a  much 
greater  number,  not  only  of  widows  and  orphans,  but  the 
great  mass  of  the  industrious  classes  are  continually  being 
reduced,  not  only  to  want  and  beggary,  but  also  to  pau- 
perism, starvation  and  untimely  death,  by  their  continu- 
ance. Surely,  such  an  objector  must  be  one  of  those 
characters  described  in  the  gospel,  with  a  beam  in  his  own 
eye,  looking  for  a  mote  in  that  of  his  brother's — can  strain 
at  a  gnat,  and  yet  swallow  a  camel,  when  the  case  re- 
quires it. 

We  shall  now  quote  Thomas  Jefferson  (that  firm,  un- 
flinching advocate  of  the  people's  rights)  on  the  subject  of 
funded  debts.  Vol.  4,  page  196,  in  his  letter  to  John  W. 
Eppes,  he  says : 

"It  is  wise,  and  should  be  fundamental,  in  a  government  dis 
posed  to  cherish  its  credit  and  at  the  same  time  to  restrain  the  use 
of  it  within  the  limits  of  its  faculties,  '  never  to  borrow  a  dollar 
without  laying  a  tax  in  the  same  instant  for  paying  the  interest  an- 
nually, and  the  principal  within  a  given  term;  and  to  consider  that 
tax  as  pledged  to  the  creditors  on  the  public  faith.  On  such  a 
pledge  as  this,  sacredly  observed,  a  government  may  always  com- 
mand, on  a  reasonable  interest,  all  the  lendable  money  of  their 
citizens,  while  the  necessity  of  an  equivalent  tax  is  a  salutary  warn- 
ing to  them  and  their  constituents  against  oppressions,  bankruptcy 
and,  its  inevitable  consequence,  revolution.  But  the  term  of  re- 
demption must  be  moderate,  and,  at  any  rate,  within  their  rightful 
powers.  But  what  limits,  it  will  be  asked,  does  this  prescribe  to 
their  rightful  powers  7  What  is  to  hinder  them  from  creating  a 
perpetual  debt?  The  laws  of  nature  answer.  The  earth  belongs 
to  the  living,  not  to  tJie  dead.  The  will  and  power  of  man  expire 
with  his  life  by  natur'/f*  law.  Some  societies  give  it  an  artificial 
continuance,  for  the  encouragement  of  industry;]  or,  rather,  for 
the  encouragement  of  speculation  and  injustice;]  some  refuse  it, 
as  our  aboriginal  neighbors,  whom  we  call  barbarians.  The  gene- 
rations of  men  may  be  considered  as  bodies,  or  corporations.  Each 
generation  has  the  usufruct  of  the  earth  during  the  period  of  its 
continuance.  When  it  ceases  to  exist,  the  usufruct  passes  on  to 
the  succeeding  generation  free  and  unincumbered,  and  so  on  sue- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  113 

cessively  from  one  generation  to  another  forever.  We  may  con- 
sider each  generation  as  a  distinct  nation,  with  a  right,  by  the  will 
of  its  majority,  to  bind  themselves,  but  none  to  bind  the  succeed- 
ing generation,  more  than  the  inhabitants  of  another  country. 

"  The  period  of  a  generation,  or  the  term  of  its  life,  is  deter- 
mined by  the  laws  of  mortality,  which,  varying  a  little  only  in  dif- 
ferent climates,  offer  a  general  average,  to  be  found  by  observation. 
I  turn,  for  instance,  to  Buffon's  tables,  of  23,994  deaths,  and  the 
ages  at  which  they  happened,  and  1  find,  of  the  numbers  of  all 
ages  living  at  one  moment,  half  will  be  dead  in  twenty-four  years 
and  eight  months.  But  (leaving  out  minors,  who  have  not  the 
power  of  self-government,)  of  the  adults  (of  twenty-one  years  of 
age)  living  at  one  moment,  a  majority  of  whom  act  for  society,  one- 
half  will  be  dead  in  eighteen  years  and  eight  months.  At  nineteen 
years,  then,  from  the  date  of  a  contract,  the  majority  of  the  con- 
tractors are  dead,  and  their  contract  with  them.  Let  this  general 
theory  be  applied  to  a  particular  case.  Suppose  the  annual  births 
of  the  State  of  New  York  to  be  23,994 :  the  whole  number  of  its 
inhabitants,  according  to  Buffon,  will  be  617,703,  of  all  ages.  Of 
these,  there  would  constantly  be  269,286  minors  and  348,417  adults; 
of  which  last,  174,290  will  be  a  majority.  Suppose  that  majority, 
on  the  first  day  of  the  year  1794,  had  borrowed  a  sum  of  money 
equal  to  the  fee  simple  value  of  the  State,  and  to  have  consumed 
it  in  eating,  drinking,  and  making  merry  in  their  day;  or,  if  you 
please,  in  quarreling  and  fighting  with  their  unoffending  neighbors. 
Within  eighteen  years  and  eight  months,  one-half  of  the  adult  citi- 
zens are  dead.  Till  then,  being  the  majority,  they  might  rightfully 
levy  the  interest  of  their  debts  on  themselves  and  their  fellow 
revelers,  or  fellow  champions.  But,  at  that  period,  a  new  majority 
have  come  into  place,  in  their  own  right,  and  not  under  the  rights, 
the  conditions,  or  laws  of  their  predecessors.  Are  they  bound  to 
acknowledge  the  debt — to  consider  the  preceding  generation  as 
having  had  a  right  to  eat  up  the  whole  soil  of  their  country  in  the 
course  of  a  life — to  alienate  it  from  them ;  (for  it  would  be  an 
alienation  to  the  creditors;)  and  would  they  think  themselves  either 
legally  or  morally  bound  to  give  up  their  country  and  emigrate  to 
another  for  subsistence  ?  Every  one  would  say,  no :  that  the  soil 
is  the  gift  of  God  to  the  living,  as  much  as  it  had  been  to  the  de- 
ceased generation;  and  that  the  laws  of  nature  impose  no  obligation 
on  them  to  PAY  THIS  DEBT.  Arid  although,  like  some  other 
natural  rights,  this  has  not  yet  entered  into  any  declaration  of  rights, 
it  is  no  less  a  law,  and  ought  to  be  acted  on  by  honest  governments. 
It  is,  at  the  same  time,  a  salutary  curb  on  the  spirit  of  war  and  in- 
debtment,  which,  since  the  modern  theory  of  the  perpetuation  of 
debt,  has  drenched  the  earth  with  blood,  and  crushed  its  inhabitants 
under  burdens  e^er  accumulating. 


114  WORKING   MAN'S 

"Had  this  principle  been  declared  in  the  British  Bill  of  Rights, 
England  would  have  been  placed  under  tha  happy  disability  of 
waging  eternal  war,  and  of  contracting  her  thousand  millions  of 
public  debt.  In  seeking  then  for  an  ultimate  term  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  our  debts,  let  us  rally  to  this  principle,  and  provide  for  their 
payment  within  the  term  of  nineteen  years  at  the  farthest.  Our 
government  has  not,  as  yet,  begun  to  act  on  the  rule  of  loans  and 
taxation  going  hand  in  hand.  Had  any  loan  taken  place  in  my 
time,  I  should  have  strongly  urged  a  redeeming  tax.  For  the  loan 
which  has  been  made  since  the  last  session  of  Congress,  we  should 
now  set  the  example  of  appropriating  some  particular  tax  sufficient 
to  pay  the  interest  annually,  and  the  principal  within  the  fixed  term, 
less  than  nineteen  years.  And  I  hope  yourself  and  your  committee 
will  render  the  immoral  service  of  introducing  this  practice." 

So  hoped  Thomas  Jefferson.  But  those  honorable  gen- 
tlemen never  rendered  their  fellow-citizens  that  immortal 
service :  it  remains  yet  to  be  consummated,  and  is  one  of 
the  great  duties  incumbent  on  the  National  Reformers. 
It  cannot  be  expected  that  our  legislators  will  abolish  the 
present  pernicious  practice  of  funding  debts,  until  driven 
into  the  measure  by  the  people:  then  they  must  do  it. 
Let  us  "  cast  oft'  such  burdens,  get  rid  of  such  excrescen- 
ces." According  to  Mr. -Jefferson's  principle,  a  debt  ought 
to  be  extinguished  in  less  than  nineteen  years,  by  the  pay- 
ment of  principal  and  interest,  on  the  ground  that  one 
generation  has  no  right  to  tax  a  future.  Now  this  would 
be  a  great  improvement  on  the  present  practices  of  gov- 
ernments, and,  we  believe,  is  a  principle  that  has  not  yet 
been  recognised  by  any.  But,  by  this  principle,  it  appears 
that  the  original  sum  would  be  more  than  twice  paid : 
why  should  it?  If  the  original  sum  borrowed  ought,  in 
justice,  to  be  paid  twice  over,  why  not  three  times,  four 
times,  or  ad  infinitum  ?  Why  not  ? 

Cannot  some  of  our  men  of  talent  and  learning,  some 
of  the  "business  community,"  answer  these  questions? 
They  must  be  answered,  and  that,  too,  satisfactorily,  be- 
cause the  producers  of  the  wealth  of  the  world  want  to 
know  why,  or  wherefore,  that  those  who  produce  nothing, 
should  claim  the  ownership  of  everything?  Producers  of 
wealth,  ask  yourselves  why  ?  Not  only  why  should  one 
generation  be  allowed  to  saddle  another  with  their  own 
debts,  but  why  the  same  generation  should  be  compelled 
to  pay  the  same  debt  twice  over?  Producers  of  wealth, 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  115 

'the  duty  of  abolishing  these  "paradoxical  and  unnatural 
institutions"  devolves  on  you. 

The  following  article  appeared  lately  in  one  of  the  public 
papers,  and  is  admirably  calculated  to  illustrate  the  per- 
nicious, degrading  and  enslaving  nature  of  permanent 
funded  debts : 

"  THE  TWO  PRESENTS. — A  gentleman,  fifty  years  ago,  gave  his 
daughter,  at  her  birth,  a  diamond  ring  which  cost  fifteen  hundred 
dollars,  which  she  still  has  in  her  possession,  and  will  no  doubt  con- 
tinue to  remain  in  the  family.  Another  gentleman,  [of  more  saga- 
city of  course,]  at  the  same  time,  gave  his  daughter  fifteen  hundred 
dollars  in  money,  which  was  invested  for  her  use  at  seven  per  cent., 
compound  interest;  and  as  no  part  of  the  amount  was  used,  the 
sum,  at  this  day,  has  accumulated  to  forty-four  thousand  one  hun- 
dred and  eighty-two  dollars  and  fifty  cents !  while  the  other  lady's 
diamond  ring  remains  at  its  original  value." 

And  so  also  would  the  money  have  remained  at  its  ori- 
ginal value,  but  for  the  existence  of  our  unjust,  "  unnatural 
and  paradoxical  institutions"  By  what  operation  of  en- 
chantment is  it  that  any  thing  can,  in  fifty  years,  or  in  any 
length  of  time  whatever,  become  two  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  forty-Jive  times  more  valuable  than  itself,  merely  be- 
cause the  owner  of  it  did  not  use  it  ?  For  this  is  the  true 
state  of  the  case,  and  is  a  question  that  cannot  be  answer- 
ed, except  by  attributing  it  to  the  existence  of  our  unjusr 
"unnatural  and  paradoxical  institutions"  For  it  is  a  self- 
evident  proposition,  that  no  thing  whatever  can  possibly  ever 
become  more  valuable  than  itself.  This  mysterious  result 
cannot  be  accomplished  by  means  of  a  house,  a  coat,  nor 
a  hat,  nor  by  anything  short  of  the  almighty  dollar;  nei- 
ther could  it  be  done  by  that,  if  the  human  intellect  had 
not  been  bewildered  and  confounded  by  the  money  jug- 
glers of  the  world. 

Here  we  perceive  an  individual  in  the  ownership  of  fif- 
teen hundred  dollars,  which  she  did  not  choose  to  use  her- 
self, but  lent  it  to  another.  At  the  end  of  fifty  years,  it  is 
found  that,  after  returning  the  original  sum,  (fifteen  hun- 
dred dollars,)  there  is  still  due  the  lender  the  enormous 
sum  of  forty-two  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty-two 
dollars — or  the  same  number  of  ounces  of  solid  silver, 
which  is  about  2,761  pounds  avoirdupois,  or  one  ton,  761 
pounds,  for  which  the  receiver  is  exonerated,  by  law,  from 


116  WORKING  MAN'S 

giving  the  least  shadow  of  an  equivalent,  yet  it  requires 
273  years  of  hard  labor  and  toil  to  accumulate  or  earn  it; 
which  is  two  thousand  nine  hundred  and  forty  five  times 
greater  than  the  original  sum.  Now  if  we  divide  this  sum 
by  156,  which  is  as  many  dollars  as  any  working  man  can 
make  in  a  year  over  and  above  his  own  keeping,  being 
fifty  cents  per  day,  and  is  a  very  liberal  allowance,  we 
shall  find  it  will  require  a  man,  so  employed  in  unremit- 
ting toil,  273  years  to  accumulate  this  sum  !  It  is  impos- 
sible for  it  to  be  accumulated,  except  at  the  expense  of  so 
much  labor.  The  question  then  is,  who  gets  the  money  and 
who  performs  the  labor?  The  analysis  shows  us  that,  if  we 
allow  thirty  years  for  the  period  which  a  man  is  able  only 
to  apply  himself  to  daily  hard  labor,  ninety-one  human  beings 
must  devote  the  most  valuable  portion  of  their  lives  to  per- 
petual toil,  slavery  and  degradation,  in  order  that  one  may 
devote  but  a  single  life  to  useless  idleness  ! 

Thus  is  produced  in  society,  "  satiety  on  the  one  hand  — 
starvation  on  the  other."  Is  this  right?  Is  it  just?  Will 
any  honest  man  advocate  the  existence  of  such  "  unnatural 
and  paradoxical  institutions"  for  one  moment?  Surely  not. 
Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  working  classes  are  doomed  to 
poverty  and  pauperism?  Is  it  any  wonder  that  so  many 
of  the  poor  are  vicious  and  corrupt,  when  laws  and  cus- 
toms, which  produce  such  results,  are  called  by  the  rich 
good?  Can  we  expect  the  people  to  become  virtuous  and 
happy  while  controlled  by  their  influence  ?  We  might  as 
reasonably  expect  to  see  "  the  pine  apple  flourish  in  a  bed 
of  snow." 

The  working  classes  alone  can  remove  these  evils  :  it  is 
a  holy  duty  they  owe  to  humanity,  their  own  immediate 
happiness,  and  the  well-being  of  their  offspring.  -They  can 
do  this  perhaps  most  successfully,  by  unitingjmder  the  Na- 
tional Reform  organization,  —  the  freedomoT  the"^publie 
airds  from  the  all^grasping  hand  of  the  element-speculator 
being  the  first  step  necessary  to  be  taken,  for  no  man  can 
ever  be  a  free  man  so  long  as  he  is  denied  a  right  to  the 
soil.  But_so_long  as  laws  are  so,  they  mu&Lhe^respected: 
and  it  isjmlyjjy  an  inviolable  adherence  to  th^m,  t.hn.t  we 
Qan  ever  hope  to  'succeed.  JJierefoTeT  whatever  we  do, 
let  it  be  done  legally,  peaceably,  decently,  and  in  order; 
the  hflllnthnv  hp.ing  thfTnnly  mrft.  Cnmp.  nnp.,  c<nrre  alL 


join  heart  and  hand  to  put  this  -monstrous  evJHhrwm    BE 
MEN  ! 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  117 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE    BANKING    SYSTEM. 

"  SIRE,  [said  Helvetius  to  Frederic  the  great,  in  alluding  to  some 
petitions  for  monopolies,  you  need  not  trouble  yourself  to  read 
them  through;  they  all  speak  the  same  language.  We  beseech 
your  Majesty  to  grant  us  leave  to  rob  your  people  of  such  a  sum  ; 
in  consideration  of  which,  we  engage  to  pay  you  a  certain  share 
of  the  pillage." — Lord  Brougham. 

The  proper  name  for  a  Bank  charter  would  be,  a  license 
to  plunder  the  people  ;  and  a  bonus  is  a  share  of  the 
plunder. 

Professor  Vethake,  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  his  work  on  Political  Economy — after  detailing  the  many 
pernicious  and  ruinous  consequences  resulting  to  a  commu- 
nity by  the  means  of  bank  expansions  and  contractions, 
and  noticing  the  immense  profits  realised  by  the  paper 
money  making  gentry  from  the  suffering  public — thus  ex- 
presses himself,  at  page  178: 

"  Profits,  too,  made  in  this  manner,  cannot  be  classed  with  those 
which  result  from  ordinary  gaming :  they  are  precisely  of  the  same 
nature  with  the  winnings  of  the  gambler,  who  uses  false  dice,  or 
marked  cards,  unknown  to  his  victim ;  and  the  act  of  obtaining 
them  is  deserving  of  no  milder  epithet  than  that  of  swindling,  or 
rolibery" 

Our  object  is  not  to  attach  blame  to  the  individuals  who 
make  use  of  these  objectionable  powers,  because  there  is 
no  use  in  having  power  except  we  use  it :  the  wrong  is  in 
our  legislatures  granting  them,  which  they  have  no  right 
to  do  ;  or  if  they  have,  then  is  our  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence nothing  but  a  humbug,  "  as  sounding  brass,  and  a 
tinkling  cymbal." 

About  the  year  1831,  Mr.  Stephen  Simpson,  who  was  for 
many  years  Cashier  of  the  United  States  Bank,  published 
a  book  called  "  The  Working  Man's  Manual,"  in  which  the 
evils  of  the  banking  system  are  portrayed  with  a  masterly 


118  WORK  ING  MAN'S 

hand,  evincing  a  perfect  understanding  of  the  subject ;  and 
certainly,  no  man  could  be  better  qualified  to  write  such 
a  book  than  said  Mr.  Simpson,  he  having  had  many  years 
experience  in  the  business.  He  writes  thus,  on  page  48  : 

"It  is  a  singular  infatuation,  prevailing  among  all  modern  wri- 
ters on  Political  Economy,  that  scarcity  of  food  among  the  labor- 
ing people  is  attributable  to  excess  of  population,  whilst  the  palpable 
fact  was  staring  them  in  the  face,  that  the  excess  of  bloated  accu- 
mulation in  the  rich,  demonstrated  the  falsity  of  the  hypothesis. 

At  page  86,  he  says : 

"  The  stinted  measure  of  the  wages  of  labor  may  justly  be  term- 
ed the  Evil  Principle  of  the  age.  If  we  substitute  Capital,  Banks, 
and  Monopolies,  for  the  Barons,  Lords  and  Bishops  of  the  feudal 
times,  we  shall  realize  a  juncture  so  precisely  similar,  as  to  carry 
out  in  full  an  illustration  of  the  abuses  under  which  the  sons  of 
laber  now  suffer  oppression  and  injustice.  What,  but  a  principle  of 
slavery,  could  have  made  it  a  felony  for  a  working  man  to  demand 
the  true  and  Mist  wago  for  his  labor?  If  mechanics  combine  to 
raise  their  wages,  the  laws  ouuish  them  as  conspirators  against  the 
good  of  society,  and  the  dungeon  awaits  them  as  it  does  the  robber 
But  the  laws  have  madt  it  a  iust  and  meritorious  act,  that  capital- 
ists shall  combine  to  Strip  the  man  of  labor  cf  his  earnings,  and 
reduce  mm  to  a  dry  crust  und  a  gourd  of  water.  [And,  we  add, 
when  he  has  produced  for  his  master  more  wealth  than  he  knows 
how  to  make  use  of,  must  himself  be  condemned  to  dirth  by  star- 
vation.] Thus  does  power  invert  iustice,  and  derange  the  order 
of  nature.  He  who  sows,  shall  reap — he  who  builds,  shall  in- 
habit— he  who  produces,  shall  possess !  This  is  the  dictate  of  na- 
ture, justice,  reason,  instinct,  and  common  sense.  But  this  instinct 
is  crushed  by  the  power  of  Capital  and  Law. 

"  Why  should  the  working  classes  be  stripped  of  the  fruits  of 
their  labor?  Simply  because  they  are  defenceless,  and  because 
rustom  has,  from  time  immemorial,  classed  them  with  slaves  and 
servants." 

Law  and  Capital  have  abolished  the  law  of  immutable 
justice,  and,  in  lieu  thereof,  have  decided  that,  he  that 
sows,  shall  not  reap — he  that  builds,  shall  not  inhabit — he 
that  produces,  shall  not  possess;  and  chose  that  neither 
sow,  reap,  build  or  produce  anything,  shall  possess  all  things. 
Again,  Mr.  Simpson  says,  page  87  : 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  119 

"And  must  wealth  be  still  pampered,  because  it  is  capital?  Must 
capital  still  be  allowed  to  absorb  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  wages  of 
labor,  because  the  rich  must  be  flattered,  the  idle  conciliated,  the 
great  humored  and  adulated  at  the  sacrifice  of  justice,  science, 
liberty,  good  government,  and  general  happiness?  because  the 
laws  of  despotic  antiquity  adjust  the  wages  of  labor,  instead  of  the 
instinct  of  reason  and  justice  ?  Capitalists  live  and  grow  rich  by 
the  labor  of  others.  The  laboring  man  lives  by  his  own  industry, 
enriches  others  by  it,  but  seldom  ever  grows  rich  himself.  Is  this 
just  ?  [Surely  not.]  By  no  other  means  than  fraud,  monopoly, 
and  unjust  distribution  of  labor,  could  the  idle  few  grow  rich,  and 
the  industrious  majority  remain  poor.  But  not  only  is  capital  a 
monopoly,  but  it  causes  credit  to  become  a  monopoly,  confined  to 
the  idle  few  and  denied  to  the  laboring  majority,  who  are  thus 
pressed  down,  by  a  double  act  of  injustice  and  oppression,  to  pov- 
erty and  want. 

"It  has,  certainly,  been  too  much  the  disposition  of  those  who 
riot  in  palaces,  to  hold  the  working  people  in  contempt;  looking 
down  upon  them  with  a  glance  of  scorn,  and  arrogating  a  right  not 
only  to  undervalue  their  importance  in  the  scale  of  being,  but  ex- 
tort their  hard  earnings  in  virtue  of  the  monopoly  of  Capital ;  for 
capital  is  naturally  an  [unfeeling]  tyrant,  always  standing  on  the 
alert  to  grind  down  the  operative,  who  can  only  live  from  hand  to 
mouth,  and  who  must  sell  because  he  must  eat,  [or  die  by  starva- 
tion.] Capital  commands  all  the  passions  and  faculties  of  a  peo- 
ple— it  buys  all  they  produce  at  half  price — it  keeps  them  in  a 
state  of  perpetual  labor  without  enjoyment,  and  smiles  at  its  own 
power  and  superiority;  while  {lie  wretch  it  fattens  on,  shrinks, 
withers  and  dies,  from  the  very  famine  it  imposes  on  him. 

"Capital  being,  then,  naturally,  a  tyrant,  it  ought  never  [as  a 
matter  of  policy  or  prudence,  we  suppose  he  means,]  to  receive 
vigor  and  nourishment  from  public  opinion — from  unequal  institu- 
tions— from  legal  monopolies — from  imaginary  horrors  of  public 
journals ;  lest  the  working  people  should  awaken  to  a  due  sense  of 
their  real  importance  in  the  scale  of  society,  and  shaking  off  their 
lethargy,  and  treading  their  ignorance  and  ideas  of  servitude  under 
foot,  rouse  themselves  to  a  proper  vindication  of  their  violated 
rights,  and  demand  a  restitution  of  their  extorted  labor,  through 
legal  edactments  and  constitutional  ordinances.  We  propose  no 
wrong  to  capital,  nor  capitalists,  but  that  they  shall  do  no  wrong  in 
law  and  equity* — leaving  them  even  all  the  wrong  which  they 
naturally  and  inevitably  commit  from  the  sweeping  immensity  of 
their  power.  And,  to  obtain  this,  [legal  aid,  in  support  of  their 
jnjust  and  tyrannical  operations,]  terror  is  affected,  and  revolution 

*  This  expression  appears  to  us  a  solecism,  for  how  can  wrong  exist  in  equity  1 
In  law  it  may,  but  not  in  equity. 


120  WORKING   MAN'S 

forebodingly  deprecated !  If  this  is  not  adding  insult  to  oppression, 
it  is  certainly  seeking  to  conceal  error  amidst  the  fogs  of  absurdity, 
and  the  philosophy  of  romance. 

"  The  faculties  of  man  were  bestowed  upon  him  to  ensure  his 
comfort;  for  that  he  labors,  and  that  he  would  always  accomplish, 
if  industrious,  but  for  the  intervention  of  injustice,  the  power  of 
fraud,  and  oppression  of  capital  in  its  various  forms  and  attitudes. 

"The  cant  of  capital  has  ascribed  pauperism  to  prodigality;  but 
the  voice  of  science  refers  it  to  avarice  [in  the  rich].  The  class 
of  paupers  seldom  have  a  chance  of  wasting  a  patrimony — their 
only  inheritance  being  misery  and  rags.  A  thousand  are  born  pau- 
pers, for  one  who  becomes  so  by  waste  and  extravagance.  Pau- 
perism has  been  considered,  by  some,  as  a  constituent  of  national 
wealth.  It  is  so  on  the  existing  system,  but  is  not  a  constituent  of 
national  justice.  To  provide  for  the  poor,  ought  not  to  engage  the 
attention  of  the  people,  or  excite  the  ingenuity  of  philosophers ; 
when  it  is  so  easy  to  prevent  pauperism  by  giving  to  industry  its 
legitimate  function  of  distributing  its  own  labor,  and  thus  affording 
competence  to  every  member  of  society  of  industrious  habits,  phy- 
sical health,  and  robust  manhood. 

At  page  89,  Simpson  says : 

"  It  is  a  fallacy  to  imagine  that  we  are  aiming  to  controvert  the 
established  legitimate  doctrines  of  political  economy ;  as  it  respects 
the  principles  of  supply  and  demand,  and  other  contingencies  that 
regulate  the  market,  or  subject  labor  and  property  [we  consider 
them  synonymous]  to  the  vicissitudes  of  times,  seasons  and  acci- 
dents. Our  object  reaches  higher — is  more  rational,  and  more 
laudable.  It  strikes  at  a  fundamental  principle  in  the  distribution 
of  wealth',  that  labor  shall  share  with  capital  in  an  equitable  ratio. 
And  as  capital  is  vested  in  ihefew,  and  labor  resides  in  the  many, 
it  only  requires  that  the  latter  combine  to  bring  government  into 
their  own  hands  to  secure  all  they  desire.  At  first,  the  struggle 
would  be  great  and  arduous ;  but  perseverance  and  concord,  on  ex- 
pansive  grounds,  must  finally  lead  to  a  signal  triumph.'* 

Such  are  the  observations  of  Stephen  Simpson,  cashier 
of  the  late  United  States  Bank,  on  the  injustice  and  rapa- 
city— the  blighting,  withering,  pauper-making  tendency  of 
the  monopoly  of  capital.  No  doubt  the  reader  will  be 
surprised  at  the  apparent  anomaly  of  an  individual  enjoy- 
ing a  snug  birth  in  the  bosom  of  the  very  mother  nurse  of 
all  those  iniquitous,  man-degrading,  tyrannical  institutions, 
of  which  he  so  bitterly  but  justly  complains.  This  appa- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  l2i 

rent  mystery  shall  be  cleared  up  in  the  proper  place.  Pre- 
vious to  which,  we  shall  take  some  notice  of  his  views  in 
respect  of  a  particular  branch  of  the  monopoly  of  capital, 
namely :  that  of  banking  and  paper  money. 

"All  moneyed  corporations  are  taxes  upon  industry:  and  every 
bank  bill  that  issues,  carries  a  burden  upon  labor.  The  taxation  is 
indirect,  to  be  sure,  but  it  is  not  the  less  effectual  [and  positive] ; 
it  is  not  the  less  onerous  than  imposts  on  consumption ;  it  is  not  so 
light  and  innoxious  as  a  direct  tax  of  the  same  amount." 

Now,  surely,  the  wisdom  and  experience,  nor  the  sin- 
cerity of  Mr.  Simpson,  can  be  doubted  on  this  subject — he 
being  an  old  experienced  banker.  The  passage  will  be 
found  at  page  157,  "Working  Man's  Manual." 

"  The  currency  of  a  country,  to  be  sound  and  wholesome,  ought 
to  be  equivalent  to  the  precious  metals,  or  the  metals  themselves, 
and  not  the  suppositions  representative  of  property ;  which  property 
may  diminish  one-half  in  the  process  of  realization  before  the  gold 
and  silver  are  obtained  for  it.  Thus,  suppose  a  bank  to  stop  pay- 
ment— in  fact,  they  are  becoming  bankrupt  every  day ! — the  hold- 
ers of  their  notes  must  wait  one,  two,  or  three  years  for  their  divi- 
dends; and,  when  made,  they  never  exceed  fifty  per  cent,  of  the 
capital.  So  that  we  see  the  fact  demonstrated  before  us,  that  bank 
bills  do  not  even  represent  labor  or  commodities,  and  very  often 
represent  nothing  but  the  mere  monopoly  of  public  credit.  It  must 
be  obvious,  that  a  paper  .currency  of  this  kind  is  calculated  to  throw 
the  measure  of  value  into  utter  confusion,  and  subject  property  to 
the  winds  and  waves  of  every  shock  which  its  collision  with  the 
metals  is  sure  to  produce.  The  crisis  of  1819  in  our  currency  ex- 
hibited the  disastrous  effects  of  paper  credits,  [bank  debts  or  expan- 
sions,] when,  in  many  instances,  estates  that  had  cost  $40,000, 
were  reduced  in  value  (by  a  collapse  of  the  currency)  to  $18,000; 
and  hundreds  of  men  of  fortune,  who  'deemed  themselves  exalted 
into  opulence  and  luxury,  became  suddenly  reduced  to  poverty,  or 
compelled,  a  second  time,  to  begin  at  the  task  of  labor.  Such  hor- 
rible conjunctures  ought  to  be  avoided  by  a  sagacious  and  provident 
people,  for  they  up-tear  the  very  foundation  of  the  national  wealth 
and  prosperity,  eat  into  private  happiness,  and  corrode  away  the 
resources  of  the  country,  and  produce  embarrassment  in  all  its 
fiscal  concerns. 

"The  first  effect  produced  by  paper  issues,  is  a  rise  of  prices; 
and  this,  by  many,  is  mistaken  for  a  symptom  of  prosperity  and 
riches;  and  such  a  condition  of  prosperity  it  does,  in  fact,  indicate, 


122  WORKING  MAN'S 

when  the  increase  is  owing  to  the  increase  of  industry,  instead  of 
the  augmentation  of  bank  paper.  A  reference  to  our  bank  reports 
will  show  an  average  augmentation  of  paper  over  specie  capital  ol 
300  per  cent;  say  for  every  one  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  specie, 
four  hundred  thousand  dollars  in  paper  are  afloat.  This  artificial 
enhancement  of  capital  is  not,  however,  an  increase  of  riches,  for 
it  gives  us  no  new  stock  of  possessions;  it  merely  converts  into 
activity  the  old  stock  of  our  industry ;  and  we  only  pass  from  one 
to  another,  in  the  shape  of  lank  notes,  our  houses,  lots,  farms,  &c 
The  consequence  is,  the  prices  of  all  other  kinds  of  property  rise 
to  nearly  the  ratio  of  the  expansion  of  the  currency;  'and  it  re- 
quires four  times  as  much  of  the  paper  to  buy  a  house,  &c.,  as  it 
would  if  no  paper  existed;  and  this  leads  to  the  delusion,  that  be- 
cause you  receive  more  money  for  your  commodities,  [or  labor,  or 
wages,]  you  are  so  much  the  richer;  overlooking  the  fact,  that  this 
rise  of  prices  is  general,  and  that  whatever  you  purchase,  you  have 
to  pay  four  prices  for;  so  that,  in  fact,  you  are  no  richer  than  if 
you  received  but  one-fourth  of  the  amount  in  coin." 

Now  this  fact  the  working  man  should  never  lose  sight 
of,  neither  should  he  forget  that  wages  are  t\\e  first  thing  to 
fall,  and  the  last  to  rise.  And  if  the  working  classes  should 
happen  to  combine  to  raise  their  wages,  they  are  frequently 
thrown  into  prison !  But  the  paper-money  maker  gets  a 
special  act  of  government  to  enable  him  to  raise  his  wages 
three  or  four  hundred  per  cent,  at  a  stroke  !  and,  instead 
of  being  thrown  into  a  prison,  is  awarded  a  palac?,  and  a 
coach,  and  also  the  honor  and  respect  of  his  fellow  citi- 
zens !  Is  this  right  ?  Is  it  just  ?  or  is  it  in  accordance  with 
the  principles  cf  our  boasted  "  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence?" 

Mr.  Simpson  has  given  the  truth  in  regard  to  the  nature 
of  bank  paper :  it  accords  with  our  experience,  and  his 
authority  is  indisputable. 

And,  surely,  no  honest  man,  who  understands  the  subject, 
can  advocate  cr  sustain  this  unjust,  man-degrading,  pau- 
per-making contrivance  for  one  moment.  To  expand  and 
contract  the  currency  of  a  country  by  means  of  bank  pa- 
per, produces  the  same  consequences  in  a  community  pre- 
cisely as  if  all  the  weights  and  measures  in  the  country 
had  been  increased  and  diminished  by  the  silly  dictum  of  a 
despot,  or  as  if  the  coin  had  been  debased  to  the  same 
extent.  Almost  all  writers  on  Political  Economy  agree 
on  this  point. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  123 

We  shall  now  let  Mr.  Simpson  give  us  a  description  of 
"  A  Bank  Bill"  which  he  does  in  the  following  language, 
page  141 : 

"What  is  a  Bank  Bill?  It  is  an  order  for  so  much  money,  or 
labor,  drawn  upon  the  producer  of  laboi .  Its  acceptance,  receipt 
and  circulation,  is  tantamount  to  the  payment  of  an  order  upon  the 
person  receiving  it. 

"  Suppose  a  farmer  sells  twenty  barrels  of  his  flour  for  a  bank  note 
of  8100.  The  note  is  an  order  to  take  from  him  this  amount  of 
real  property,  and  leave  him  a  8100  bank  bill.  This  bill,  in  itself, 
is  worth  [comparatively]  nothing — it  has  no  [exchangable]  value — 
it  is  but  the  mere  presumption,  appealing  to  his  faith,  that  it  will 
bring  him  one  hundred  dollars  in  gold,  silver,  or  [a  proportionate 
amount  of  other  products  of]  labor.  Acting  on  this  presumption, 
ho  travels  to  town  to  purchase  goods,  which,  having  .done,  he  offers 
in  payment  the  8100  note.  The  store-keeper  tells  him  the  bank 
has  stopped,  or  broke !  In  this  manner  the  luckless  farmer  has 
parted  with  his  hundred  dollars  [or  as  many  days'1  labor,  or  ounces 
of  silver]  for  a  SHADOW  ;  and  his  property  has  passed  into  tho  hands 
of  the  adroit  speculator.  In  many  ways  his  &1CO  note  may  prove 
equally  worthless;  but,  taken  at  the  best  advantage,  it  has  this  de- 
trimental property,  that  it  can  never  purchase  an  equal  amount  of 
any  commodity  that  his  hundred  dollars  worth  of  labor  would  com- 
mand, supposing  the  paper  money  had  no  existence. 

"  Such  i :;  the  character  and  operation  of  every  bank  bill,  and  every 
treasury  note,  or  public  stock  certificate.  It  is  a  draft  from  capital, 
drawn  upon  labor  at  sight,  and  paid  by  public  credulity,  faith,  or, 
what  is  sometimes  termed,  credit.  The  party  that  profits,  and  the 
only  one  in  this  transaction  of  fiction  and  fraud,  is  the  banker,  tho 
stockholder  and  speculator;  who  are  generally  a  trinity,  or  the 
three  combined  in  one.  By  this  operation,  the  banks  make  use  of 
the  entire  property  of  the  community  for  their  own  exclusive  profit, 
interest  and  usury.  They  draw  bills  upon  our  lands,  our  houses, 
stores,  ships,  and  every  species  of  real  [property  or]  labor,  upon 
which  they  make,  [illegal  per  centago  to  an  enormous  amount,] 
besides  causing  an  increase  of  prices,  that  prove  highly  pernicious 
to  the  industry  of  the  country  in  its  competition  with  foreigners. 

"  The  only  specious  argument  in  favor  of  bank  credits,  has  beer 
founded  on  tin  fact,  that  they  throw  into  circulation  all  the  labor  of 
the  community,  and  thus  stimulate  trade  by  the  increase  officti-- 
tious  money;  [or,  in  other  words,  by  a  circulation  of  lank  debts']. 
And  for  whose  profit  and  benefit  is  this  factitious  circulation!  Ex- 
clusively for  that  of  the  stockholder,  and  nsver,  in  any  degree,  for 
that  of  the  producer,  upon  whose  labor  he  thus  freely  draws  at  plea~ 
fiure.  It  is  labor  that  pays  tho  bank  bill — it  is  labor  that  pays  the 


124  WORKING     MAN    S 

] merest;  and  after  thus  paying  capital  and  interest  for  the  exclusive 
benefit  of  the  idle  class  of  stockholders,  how  can  it  be  possible  that 
the  producers  should  not  suffer  under  the  double  burden  of  sustain- 
ing the  idle  pampering  the  rapacious,  and  gratifying  the  gambler, 
who,  as  professor  Vethake  says,  plays  with  loaded  dice,  or  marked 
cards,  unknown  to  his  plundered  victim. 

"A  Bank  Bill,  then,  it  will  be  seen  from  the  foregoing  remarks, 
is,  in  itself,  worth  nothing — that  its  whole  worth  is  derived  from 
labor,  which  pays  it  at  the  moment  it  comes  into  circulation — that 
the  bank  gives  it  no  value  whatever;  [no,  but  the  borrower  does,  by 
surrendering  his  real  property  in  exchange  for  it;]  for  when  it  re- 
turns to  the  bank,  it  is  no  longer  a  credit — that  it  is  no  money,  nor 
gold,  nor  silver,  nor  equivalent  to  gold  and  silver,  possessing  in 
itself  no  single  property  of  preciousness,  stability  or  usefulness ; 
[but  is  a  debt  owed  by  the  banker  to  the  holder,  on  which  he  draws 
interest  as  though  it  contained  as  many  ounces  of  silver  as  there 
were  dollars  printed  upon  the  face  of  it.  Hence  it  is  evident  that 
the  more  a  bank  is  in  debt,  the  greater  is  its  income  !  which  is  a 
palpable  absurdity,  and  a  gross  violation  of  right  and  justice.] 

"  The  complaint,  then,  justly  exists,  that  government,  being  bound 
to  secure  to  every  citizen  equal  rights,  should  have  ventured  to 
delegate  to  corporations  an  absolute  power  over  the  labor  of  the 
producer,  by  placing  it  at  the  disposal  of  these  bills  of  credit :  [or, 
rather,  these  false  money  makers.]  Where  is  the  security  of  pro- 
perty, under  this  artificial  mode  of  causing  it  to  change  hands  with- 
out the  intervention  of  equivalents  ?  In  fine,  where  is  the  happi- 
ness of  society,  when  thus  placed  at  the  mercy  and  discretion  of  a 
privileged  order  of  speculators,  whose  attribute  of  sovereignty  is  an 
entire  control  over  the  property,  fortune  and  happiness  of  man ; 
who  can  at  pleasure  deprive  him  of  the  fruits  of  his  industry — re- 
duce him  to  poverty,  or  compel  him  to  become  the  tenant  of  a 
poor-house,  a  dungeon,  [or  an  untimely  grave?] 

"This  power,  however,  of  corporations  over  the  mass  of  society, 
would  be  less  culpable  and  less  intolerable,  if  it  were  exercised 
with  a  spirit  of  equal  oppression  over  all.  But  the  hardship  is  ex- 
clusively to  those  who  labor;  and  the  benefit  entirely  restricted  to 
the  pampered  sons  of  idleness  and  capital.  Industry  is  the  victim — 
idleness  the  victor.  Under  these  circumstances,  why  should  public 
credulity  continue  a  slave  to  this  oppressive  fraud  1  [this  legal  sys- 
tem of  robbery?]  The  reason  is,  because  the  public  understand- 
ing is  not  enlightened.  Let  every  man  come  to  have  a  proper 
conception  of  [the  true  nature  of]  a  bank  bill,  and  society  will 
unanimously  unite  to  put  down  the  fraud,  and  return  to  the  use  of 
realities  and  the  measure  of  value  and  justice  in  the  exchanges  of 
trade.  "  It  has  been  well  observed  by  a  profound  writer,*  that  govern- 

•  Taylor. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  l25 

.:ients  have  no  more  right  to  grant  charters  for  the  purpose  of  utter- 
ing fictitious  money,  than  they  have  to  incorporate  a  company  for 
the  object  of  granting  patents  for  lands  already  sattled  by  the  pro- 
prietors. [And,  we  add,  or  grant  licenses  to  individuals  to  rob  the 
public  on  the  highway.]  For,  to  circulate  a  bank  bill,  is  as  essen- 
tially an  invasion  of  property  and  social  right,  as  to  sell  land  over 
again.  In  fine,  bank  notes  do,  in  effect,  transfer  land  anew,  as  we 
have  already  pointed  out  by  the  constant  fluctuation  of  the  measure 
ol  value ;  and  the  power  to  manufacture  bank  notes  is,  in  substance, 
a  power  to  absorb  labor,  and  acquire  property  without  the  interven- 
tion of  an  equivalent." 

And,  we  add,  is  one  of  those  ingenious,  pauper-making 
contrivances,  invented  by  the  avarice  and  cupidity  of  the 
short-sighted,  cold-hearted,  selfish  capitalist,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  keeping  a  majority  of  mankind  in  perpetual  and 
slavish  toil  and  misery ;  and,  finally,  cause  them  to  die  of 
starvation,  in  order  that  a  few  may  secure  to  themselves 
all  the  "riches,  all  the  refinement,  all  the  comfort,  and  all 
the  enjoyment,  as  Mr.  Colquhoun  says. 

Such,  then,  were  the  views  of  Mr.  Simpson,  of  the  na- 
ture of  paper  money,  and  of  the  injustice  of  its  operation 
and  blighting  influence  on  the  happiness  of  the  working 
classes.  He  says  all  that  we  have  quoted,  and  much  more 
of  the  same  character ;  but  we  think  the  foregoing  suffi- 
cient to  convince  any  honest  seeker  after  truth,  that  paper 
money,  in  any  form,  is  nothing  more  than  a  blighting  curse 
on  the  happiness  of  any  nation  that  makes  use  of  it.  We 
occasionally  added  a  few  words  (in  brackets)  in  some  of 
his  sentences,  to  make  them  more  emphatic  ;  but  in  no  case 
has  he  been  misrepresented.  We  should  be  sorry  to  do  it, 

A  bank  note  never  did,  nor  never  can,  pay  or  cancel  a 
debt,  is  very  evident.  Suppose  Tom  owes  Dick  ten  dol- 
lars, and  gives  him  a  ten  dollar  bank  note  as  payment; 
Dick  is  no  more  paid  than  he  was  before — the  difference  is 
only  this :  that  the  bank  has  become  debtor  to  Dick  instead 
of  Tom,  and  is  then  a  creditor  of  the  bank,  and  remains 
such  until  he  realizes  ten  dollars  worth  of  real  property ; 
that  is,  an  equivalent  of  the  products  of  labor.  Therefore 
a  circulation  of  bank  notes  is  nothing  but  a  circulation  of 
bank  debts,  and  the  deluded  creditors  pay  an  enormous  tax 
for  the  privilege  of  trusting  the  banks — thus  reversing  the 
common  order  of  justice :  the  real  debtor  claims  and  receives 
'nterest,  and  the  creditor  is  obliged  to  pay  it.  The  obliga- 


126 

tion  of  the  banks  to  redeem  their  promises,  is  all  a  delu- 
sion, because  they  can  no  more  pay  three  dollars  with  one, 
than  a  poverty-stricken  beggar  can  pay  two  dollars  with 
nothing.  The  main  circumstance  which  inspires  the  public 
with  confidence  in  the  circulation  of  bank  debts,  is  a  know- 
ledge that  a  charter  secures  to  the  banks,  when  the  credi- 
tors become  clamorous  for  payment,  the  power  to  seize  upon 
and  sacrifice  the  property  of  others,  for  the  purpose  of  paying 
their  own  debts  ! 

Besides  all  the  foregoing  evils,  a  bank  charter  annuls 
and  sets  aside  good  and  wholesome  laws  for  the  sole  benefit 
of  the  banker,  and  to  the  manifest  injury  of  the  public. 
If  an  individual,  who  had  no  charter,  should  take  a  dollar 
and  add  sufficient  base  metal  to  make  three  of  it,  and  put 
them  into  circulation,  he  would  be  justly  consigned  to  the 
penitentiary.  But  the  already  rich  banker  who  gets  a 
charter  may  put  into  circulation  millions  of  dollars  that  do 
not  cost  him  three  cents  a  piece,  is  not  sent  to  the  peniten- 
tiary :  oh,  no ;  his  charter  absolves  him  from  all  iniquity, 
and  entitles  him  to  honor  and  respect.  Yet  the  counter- 
feiter's dollars  cost  him  at  least  thirty-three  cents  a  piece 
besides  his  own  labor.  And  the  law  makes  the  counter- 
feiter a  villain,  but  the  banker  an  honest  gentleman  !  Is  this 
even-handed  justice?  Surely  not. 

From  the  remarks  just  made,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  law 
establishing  the  value,  or,  in  better  words,  the  weight  and 
fineness  of  the  coin,  is  made  null  and  void  in  favor  of  the 
banker  by  means  of  a  bank  charter. 

Another  general  law  made  null  and  void  by  this  beautiful 
contrivance,  is  the  law  regulating  the  interest  on  money. 
The  law  limits  interest  at  six  per  cent.,  but  when  banks 
have  in  circulation  three  times  as  many  dollars  of  promises 
as  they  have  real  dollars  invested,  they  are  realizing 
eighteen  per  cent.,  instead  of  six.  Therefore  this  law  is 
made  null  and  void  by  a  bank  charter,  and  reverses  the 
order  of  justice.  This  is  a  very  ingenious  method  by  which 
the  rich  man  can  multiply  his  property  without  cost,  but 
the  poor  man  is  denied  the  privilege ;  yet  if  any  one  can 
have  a  just  claim  for  it,  surely  it  is  the  poor  man,  not  the 
rich. 

A  specious  argument  in  favor  of  a  paper  currency  used 
by  its  advocates,  is,  its  remarkable  cheapness,  and  the  con- 
venience it  affords  a  community  of  supplying  it  in  suffi- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  127 

cient  quantities  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  public.  Here, 
then,  lies  the  mischief;  a  paper  currency  is  just  as  worth- 
less as  it  is  cheap.  It  is  cheap  only  to  the  makers — it  repre- 
sents more  than  fifty  times  the  amount  of  labor  that  it  costs 
to  make  it — every  dollar  represents  nearly  an  ounce  of 
silver,  though  it  never  cost  the  maker  a  ninetieth  part  of 
it.  Now  this  cheap  currency  is  worth  what  it  costs  the 
maker,  but  no  more;  yet  the  public  are  obliged  to  pay  for 
the  use  of  it  what  it  represents,  namely,  nearly  one  ounce 
of  silver  for  every  dollar,  or  an  equal  amount  of  other  pro- 
ducts of  the  working  man's  labor.  Here,  then,  lies  the 
fraud  and  injustice — the  most  successful  juggling  trick  ever 
practised  upon  poor  credulous  man.  So,  in  fact,  this  cheap 
currency  costs  the  public  much  more  than  one  composed 
exclusively  of  gold  and  silver — its  wear,  tear  and  destruc- 
tion being  immense. 

The  demand  for  money  is  unlimited ;  and  in  this  lies  the 
difference  between  it  and  other  products  of  labor,  or  arti- 
cles of  commerce.  Their  production  is  limited  by  demand, 
and  demand  is  limited  by  the  people's  wants,  or  their 
ability  to  consume :  not  so  with  money ;  there  is  no  limit 
to  the  want  of  it.  Therefore  the  production  of  gold  and 
silver  is,  by  a  wise  provision  of  Providence,  limited  in  the 
nature  of  things  by  existing  in  but  few  places,  and  being 
unattainable  except  by  bestowing  the  requisite  quantity  of 
labor  upon  it.  In  consequence  of  this  wise  provision,  it  is 
impossible  to  either  increase  or  diminish  the  quantity  sud- 
denly ;  and  which,  above  all  things,  ought  to  be  avoided, 
because  expansions  injure  all  creditors,  and  contractions 
injure  all  debtors.  Another  pretext  for  the  use  of  bank 
paper  is,  that  there  is  not  sufficient  money  in  the  country 
to  transact  its  business.  If  bank  paper  will  supply  the 
deficiency,  the  argument  is  a  good  one  ;  but,  alas !  all  our 
experience  proves  most  positively  that  it  produces  no  such 
effect,  but  just  the  reverse ;  the  more  banking  the  less  mo- 
ney we  have.  All  writers  on  the  subject  agree  on  this 
point.  If  there  is  not  money  enough  in  a  country  to 
transact  its  business,  where,  in  the  name  of  common  sense, 
will  the  banker  get  the  money  to  pay  the  holders  of  his 
promises  when  required  to  fulfill  them?  A  bank  note 
being  an  order  drawn  upon  the  producer  of  wealth,  paya- 
ble at  sight,  is  but  an  evidence  of  debt.  When  these  debts 
circulate  to  a  large  amount,  th,e  people  become  deluded 


128  WORKING    MANS 

by  observing  with  what  rapidity  the  products  of  labor 
change  owners,  and  the  unusual  high  prices,  mistake  this 
state  of  things  for  prosperity,  when  the  fact  is,  we  are  but 
plunging  into  a  quagmire  of  debt,  disaster  and  ruin,  from 
which  nothing  can  relieve  us  but  one  of  those  most  "para- 
doxical and  unnatural"  of  all  laws, a  General  Bankrupt  Law! 

Gold  and  silver  being  the  products  of  labor,  are,  there- 
fore, real  wealth  or  property;  the  aggregate  of  which,  at 
any  time  in  circulation,  constitutes  the  standard  or  mea- 
sure of  the  value  of  all  other  commodities  subject  to  pur- 
chase and  sale ; — and  to  alter  or  interfere  with  this  just 
and  natural  standard  by  any  fictitious  means,  by  govern- 
ments or  privileged  corporations,  is  a  gross  violation  of  the 
rights  of  humanity,  and  ought  not  to  be  submitted  to,  or 
tolerated  by  the  producers  of  wealth.  No  person  can  justly 
become  possessed  of  gold  and  silver  but  by  producing  it, 
or  by  giving  in  exchange  as  much  of  his  own  labor,  time, 
or  services,  as  was  required  to  produce  it.  And  if  he  ob- 
tains them  in  any  other  way,  it  is  either  by  force  or  fraud — 
kings  and  capitalists  obtain  them  by  no  other  means. 

Now,  surely,  no  working  man,  or  producer  of  wealth, 
who  understands  the  mischief-working,  enslaving,  pauper- 
making  tendency  of  banking  institutions,  will  be  so  biased 
by  prejudice  as  deliberately  to  cast  his  vote  in  favor  of 
their  continuance ;  however,  every  man  must  be  his  own 
judge. 

To  show  that  we  are  not  alone  in  these  views,  we  shall 
let  some  of  our  most  eminent  statesmen  speak  for  them- 
selves. In  Sparks'  Life  of  Washington,  vol.  9,  page  231, 
will  be  found  a  letter  from  the  General  to  Thomas  Stone, 
of  Maryland,  in  which  will  be  found  the  following  lan- 
guage : 

"  I  do  not  scruple  to  declare  that,  if  I  had  a  voice  in  your  legis- 
lature, it  would  have  been  given  decidedly  against  a  paper  emis- 
sion, upon  the  general  principles  of  its  utility  as  a  representative, 
and  the  necessity  of  it  as  a  medium.  I  contend  that  it  is  by  the 
substance,  not  with  the  shadow  of  a  thing,  that  we  are  to  be  bene- 
fitted.  The  wisdom  of  man,  in  my  humble  opinion,  cannot  devise 
a  plan  by  which  the  credit  of  paper  money  would  be  long  supported ; 
consequently  depreciation  keeps  pace  with  the  quantity  of  the 
emission,  and  articles  for  which  it  is  exchanged  rise  in  a  greater 
ratio  than  the  sinking  value  of  the  money.  Wherein,  then,  is  the 
farme. ,  the  planter,  the  artizan  benefitted  7  The  debtor  may  be, 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  129 

because,  as  I  have  observed,  he  gives  the  shadow  in  lieu  of  the 
substance;  and,  in  proportion  to  his  gain,  the  creditor  or  the  body 
politic  suffers.  An  evil  equally  great  is  the  door  it  immediately 
opens  for  speculation,  by  which  the  least  designing,  and,  perhaps, 
most  valuable  part  of  the  community,  are  preyed  upon  by  the  more 
knowing  and  crafty  speculators." — Washington. 

John  Q.  Adams,  being  written  to  by  a  political  friend, 
soliciting  his  opinions  upon  Banks,  Bankers  and  Paper 
Money,  relative  to  their  influence  upon  society  at  large, 
says: 

"  As  to  bankers,  there  is  little  difference  between  them  and  the 
counterfeiters; — if  I  should  give  any  preference,  the  counterfeiter 
is  the  best,  for  neither  of  them  ever  expected  nor  intended  to  pay 
their  notes.  The  banker,  more  bold  and  daring,  robs  the  people 
under  cover  and  pretence  of  Law ;  [he  should  have  said,  protec- 
tion of  law;]  the  counterfeiter,  more  diffident  and  unassuming, 
robs  the  people  without  law." — /.  Q.  Adams. 

"Whoever  shall  attempt  to  restore  the  fallen  credit  of  the  coun- 
try by  creating  new  banks,  merely  that  they  may  create  new  paper, 
and  that  government  may  have  a  chance  of  borrowing  where  it 
has  not  borrowed  before,  will  find  himself  miserably  deceived. 
The  bank  which  will  be  erected  by  this  bill,  is  of  a  most  extraor- 
dinary, and,  as  I  think,  alarming  nature." 

DanL  Webster,  H.  Rep.,  June  2nd,  1815. 

"Of  all  the  contrivances  for  cheating  the  laboring  classes  of 
mankind,  none  is  so  effectual  as  that  which  deludes  with  paper 
money!  It  is  the  most  perfect  expedient  ever  invented  for  fertil- 
izing the  rich  man's  soil  by  the  sweat  of  the  poor  man's  brow." 

DanL  Webster,  U.  S.  Senate,  1812. 

"It  will  be  vain  to  talk  of  public  credit,  until  we  return  to  the 
pure,  unmixed  circulation  of  standard  gold  and  silver." 

John  Adams  to  Col.  Joseph  Crawford,  Oct.  28,  1809. 

"  The  system  of  banking  we  have  both  equally  and  ever  repro- 
bated. I  contemplate  it  as  a  blot  left  in  our  institutions,  which,  if 
not  corrected,  will  end  in  their  destruction,  which  is  already  hit  by 
gamblers  in  corruption,  and  is  sweeping  away  in  its  progress  the 
fortunes  and  morals  of  our  citizens.  And  I  sincerely  believe,  with 
you,  that  banking  establishments  are  more  dangerous  than  Standing 
Armies."—  Thos.  Jefferson  to  J.  Taylor.  Je/'s.  Cor.,  v.  4,  p.274. 

"  I  am,  and  ever  have  been,  opposed  to  all  kinds  of  government 
paper  currency,  let  it  be  derived  from  exchequer  or  otherwise.  If 


130  WORKING   MAN'S 

the  paper  is  the  real  representative  of  specie,  why  not  pay  the 
debts  in  specie,  and  let  the  specie  circulate  in  thc4iands  of  the  pro- 
ducing classes?  Then  the  dealings  between  the  merchant  and  the 
laborer  will  be  in  specie,  and  the  merchant,  by  making  a  deposit, 
can  get  a  bill  of  exchange  on  any  part  of  the  Union,  [which  will 
answer  a  much  better  purpose  than  a  bank  bill.]  Where,  then,  is 
the  use  of  a  paper  currency  ?  Neither  the  merchant  nor  laborer 
wants  it.  The  merchant  wants  a  bill — not  a  bank  or  e  chequer 
bill — but  upon  a  banker  where  he  lays  in  his  goods.  [  JL  He  mer- 
chant wants  a  bill  of  exchange — a  bill  that  does  not  bear  a  false- 
hood upon  its  face — one  that  will  not  come  back  for  payment. 
And  the  producer  wants  no  bill  at  all,  but  an  equivalent  for  his 
labor — not  a  banker's  debt.]  It  is  one  of  the  greatest  humbugs 
ever  attempted  to  be  imposed  upon  a  people,  that  there  is  not  specie 
enough  in  the  world  to  answer  all  the  necessary  wants  of  the  com- 
munity. Shut  out  from  circulation  all  paper,  and  specie  will  flow 
upon  us  as  the  tide ;  but  it  will  never  flow  to  any  country  that  has 
a  paper  currency  which  will  always  depreciate.  A  national  paper 
currency  is  a  great  curse  to  any  people,  and  a  particular  curse  to 
the  laborer  of  any  country,  for  its  depreciation  always  falls  on  the 
producing  classes." — Andrew  Jackson  to  M.  Daivson,  1840. 

"  I  am  not  a  bank  man ;  I  once  was,  and  then  they  cheated  me 
out  of  every  dollar  I  had  placed  in  their  hands." 

Wm.  H.  Harrison's  Dayton  Speech. 

Such  is  the  testimony  of  our  most  eminent  statesmen. 
They  denounced  the  Banking  system  in  the  most  energetic 
language — not  when  being  candidates  for  public  office,  but 
in  the  calm  retirement  of  private  life,  in  correspondence 
with  their  particular  friends.  We,  therefore,  rationally 
conclude  them  sincere.  Surely,  the  united  wisdom  of 
these  gentlemen,  under  such  circumstances,  is  not  to  be 
overlooked  or  disregarded ;  and,  further,  let  us  not  forget 
that  they  were  the  champions  of  Republican  Institutions. 

We  shall  now  add  the  testimony  of  another  eminent 
statesmen,  but  an  enemy  to  Republicanism,  and  who,  no 
doubt,  enjoyed  much  pleasure  in  the  anticipation  of  his 
own  prediction.  "  Let  the  Americans,"  said  Wm.  Pitt, 
"  adopt  their  Funding  system,  and  go  on  with  their  Bank- 
ing institutions,  and  their  boasted  independence  will  be  a 
mere  phantom."  Reader,  reflect  deeply  on  this  predic- 
tion— decide  accordingly. 

Now,  according  to  Judge  Hall's  doctrine,  those  eminent 
tatesmen,  namely :  Gen.  Washington,  John  Adams,  J.  Q. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  131 

Adams,  Daniel  Webster,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Andrew  Jack- 
son, and  William  H.  Harrison,  inasmuch  as  they  have 
unanimously  denounced  the  banking  system,  and  have 
"  stigmatized  their  business  as  inimical  to  the  liberty  and 
prosperity  of  the  country,"  ought  to  be  branded  as  political 
demagogues,  because  "  they  teach  the  laborer  and  mechanic 
to  dislike  the  banker,  and  imbue  the  farmer's  mind  with  a 
deadly  hatred  of  his  vocation ;  yet  his  (the  banker's)  means 
furnish  all  with  daily  employment,  and  without  whose  ex- 
istence the  farmer's  crops  would  rot  upon  the  field."  So 
says  the  Judge. 

We  must  beg  leave  to  dissent  from  the  Judge  in  this 
case,  because,  when  those  individuals  uttered  the  senti- 
ments attributed  to  them,  they  were  not  on  the  floor  of 
Congress,  advocating  the  exclusive  interests  of  the  particu- 
lar clique,  class  or  party,  that  had  sent  them,  but  had  re- 
tired from  the  stormy  sea  of  party  politics  to  the  shades 
of  private  life.  We  shall,  therefore,  set  them  down,  not 
as  demagogues  and  incendiaries,  but  as  honest  patriots. 

We  shall  now  condense  the  subject  of  Banking  into  a 
few  words,  by  showing  the  difference  between  a  common 
promissory  note  and  a  bank  note — which  is  this: — The 
drawer  and  issuer  of  a  promissory  note,  draws  upon  his 
own  labor,  property  or  services,  tmdpays  interest  in  proportion 
to  his  indebtedness  ;  but  the  banker  draws  upon  the  labor, 
property,  or  services  of  others — claims  and  receives  interest  in 
proportion  to  his  indebtedness;  which  is  a  manifest  viola- 
tion of  the  order  of  justice.  And  those  individuals  who 
claim  this  privilege,  ought,  at  least,  show  upon  what  prin- 
ciple of  right  they  found  their  claims. 

The  foregoing  remarks  are  only  applicable  to  banks  of 
circulation — such  as  have  power  to  expand  and  contract 
the  currency.  No  reasonable  objection  can  exist  to  banks 
of  loan  and  deposit;  they  are,  no  doubt,  both  necessary 
and  useful  in  all  commercial  communities.  They  might 
issue  certificates  of  actual  deposits,  without  injury  to  the 
public,  as  a  large  portion  of  the  abrasion,  or  wear  and 
tear  of  the  coin,  would  thereby  be  prevented.  Such  cer- 
tificates could  not  depreciate  below  par,  but,  on  the  con- 
trary, would  generally  bear  a  small  premium,  which,  in 
Jie  aggregate,  would  nearly  equal  the  abrasion  and  cost 
of  transportation  of  the  coin.  Under  such  a  course,  we 
should  have  all  the  advantages  that  can  be  derived  from 


132 

the  use  of  a  paper  currency,  with  none  of  its  evils ;  and 
from  this  point  commences  the  injustice  and  dishonesty  of 
banking.  Let  capitalists  compete  with  each  other  as  the 
working  classes  do — free  the  public  lands  from  the  iron 
grasp  of  the  speculator,  as  contended  for  by  "  National 
Keformers ;"  and  all  will  be  well.  The  working  classes 
ask  for  no  special  privilege ;  all  they  ask  is,  equal  rights 
FOR  ALL;  which  is  but  reasonable. 

It  is  now  necessary  the  reader  should  be  apprised  of  the 
why  and  wherefore  Mr.  Simpson  should  write  such  a  work 
as  he  did.  He  has,  in  the  clearest  and  most  masterly  man- 
ner, exposed  to  public  view  the  iniquity  and  injustice  of 
the  banking  system,  and  its  tendency  to  strip  industry  of 
its  just  reward,  and  to  reduce  the  working  classes  to  a 
state  of  poverty,  degradation,  and  hopeless  dependence. 
Himself  being  a  banker,  it  appears  rather  strange  that  he 
should  publish  such  a  work;  but  the  thing  is  easily  ex- 
plained. 

In  the  absence  of  all  other  evidence,  "  Simpson's  Work- 
ing Man's  Manual"  is  sufficient  to  prove,  most  conclu- 
sively, the  truth  of  what  we  have  asserted  in  a  previous 
part  of  this  work — that  justice,  religion  and  morality,  have 
been  prostituted  and  sacrificed,  in  order  to  build  up  and 
promote  the  arrogant,  grasping  claims  of  the  capitalist. 
Mr.  Simpson's  object,  in  publishing  his  work,  was  to 
wheedle,  or,  as  Judge  Hallwould  say,  to  "cajole  and  flatter 
the  working  classes,  because  they  are  the  most  numerous, 
and  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot-boxes,"  into 
the  notion  of  voting  in  favor  of  having  the  United  States 
Bank  rechartered.  His  book  winds  up  with  an  appendix, 
which,  at  page  242,  opens  thus : 

"THE  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"  All  general  principles  are  liable  to  exceptions.  In  a  country 
where  the  monopoly  of  banking  is  carried  to  a  great  extent,  it  may 
often  become  necessary  to  check  one  monopoly  by  another,  [honest 
reader,  here  is  the  cloven  foot  standing  out  in  bold  relief — here  is 
the  key  to  the  mystery,]  and  oppose  the  interest  of  those  who  have 
nothi  ng  to  restrain  their  cupidity,  by  the  interest  of  another  party 
who  have  controlling  motives  of  integrity  to  regulate  their  conduct. 
[What  modesty  and  disinterestedness !  the  interest  and  conduct  of  a 
monsver  bank  to  be  regulated  by  'motives  oj  integrity!1 — capital 
idea.]  Upon  a  just  theory,  framed  for  the  equitable  distribution  of 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  133 

property,  no  paper  money  should  prevail ;  but  where  institutions  do 
exist  for  its  manufacture  to  an  unlimited  extent,  another  question 
presents  itself — whether  the  over-issues  of  the  local  banks  may  not 
be  beneficially  controlled  by  the  higher  obligations  imposed  on  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  to  preserve  a  metallic  currency,  [as  it 
did  in  the  year  1837,]  and,  by  the  combined  influence  of  the  funds 
of  government  with  those  of  its  stockholders,  [and  of  the  State 
banks,]  hold  a  salutary  restraint  over  the  temptation  which  always 
exists  to  bankruptcy  when  the  currency  of  a  country  is  placed  at 
the  discretion  of  private  cupidity  and  chartered  companies?  [as  re- 
alized in  the  year  1840.] 

"  In  this  view  the  question  arises,  whether  the  Bank  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  is  not  to  be  preferred  to  any  unknown  or  odious  system 
which  might  take  its  place,  were  the  people  to  suffer  it  to  be  de- 
stroyed." 

So  says  Mr.  Simpson.  Now  this  is  amply  sufficient  to 
show,  most  clearly,  that  his  work  is  a  mere  gull-trap,  in- 
tended to  "cajole  and  flatter  the  working  classes,  because 
they  are  the  most  numerous  and  wield  the  greatest  power 
at  the  ballot-boxes  to  their  own  injury,"  by  persuading 
them  to  fasten  upon  themselves  an  institution  which  would 
have  both  the  power  and  will  to  strip  them  of  the  fruits  of 
their  industry,  and  reduce  them  to  a  state  of  servitude,  de- 
pendence, poverty  and  pauperism,  under  the  plea  of  doing 
them  good!  Yet,  this  gentleman,  at  page  12  of  his  work, 
thus  describes  the  influence  of  such  an  institution : 

"  In  itself,  or  its  consequences,  the  funding  system,  of  all  the 
perversions  of  this  otherwise  equitable  government,  is  especially 
oppressive  to  the  children  of  labor.  If  it  did  not  create  a  fiscal 
necessity,  it  at  least  afforded  a  plausible  pretext  for  the  BANKING 
SYSTEM, — that  fruitful  mother  of  unutterable  affliction  to  the  sons 
of  industry, — which  brought  us,  at  one  fatal  step,  into  the  vortex 
of  English  aristocracy — overgrown  fortunes  and  hopeless  poverty 
• — taxation  through  all  the  elements  of  existence  ;  and  speculation, 
to  the  utter  grinding  down  of  the  producer,  to  pamper  the  fortunes 
of  the  rich  and  swell  the  hoard  of  the  avaricious  speculator.  The 
banking  system  and  the  public  funds  are,  in  the  fiscal  world,  pre- 
cisely what  the  royal  grants  were  in  the  landed  interest  of  England. 
They  created  even  a  greater  inequality  of  fortune,  by  means  more 
nefarious  as  well  as  more  pernicious ;  for  they  levied  a  tax  directly 
upon  every  commodity  produced  by  labor;  which  tax  became  im- 
mediately absorbed  into  the  pocket  of  the  capitalist.  So  that  what 
England  did  through  her  royal  charters  and  grants,  antecedent  to 


134 


WORKING 


the  Revolution,  our  own  aristocracy  deliberately  committed  through 
the  funding  and  banking  systems ;  whose  results,  upon  the  happi- 
ness and  comfort  of  an  industrious  and  free  people,  must  be  esti- 
mated fully  as  calamitous,  in  respect  to  the  working  classes,  as  the 
consequences  that  would  attend  the  subjugation  of  the  country  by 
a  foreign  king,  who  should  partition  the  property  of  the  conquered 
people  among  his  chiefs  and  followers,  in  large  and  princely  do- 
mains— thus  creating  a  monopoly  of  land  and  capital,  which  would 
extort  labor  [from  the  producer]  upon  their  own  terms;  a  bare  sub- 
sistence.11 

Such  a  pernicious  working  system  as  this,  Mr.  Simpson 
would  induce  the  working  classes  to  engraft,  like  an  in- 
cubus, upon  society,  by  deliberately  casting  their  votes,  at 
the  ballot-boxes,  in  its  favor.  What  for?  For  the  pur- 
pose of  enabling  the  capitalist  to  monopolize  the  land,  the 
credit,  the  money,  with  all  the  products  of  the  poor  man's 
labor,  in  order  that  they  may  gormandize  all  the  riches,  all 
the  comforts,  and  all  the  enjoyments.  Mr.  Simpson  thus  con- 
tinues : 

"  Thus  far,  then,  we  perceive  our  constitution  of  equal  rights  to 
be  the  merest  untenanted  skeleton  of  liberty  that  the  imagination  of 
man  can  conceive;  which,  by  its  operation,  creates  aristocracy,  privi- 
leges, extortion,  monopoly,  and  overgrown  fortunes;  and  which,  by 
its  letter,  declares  that  equality  of  rights  shall  be  guaranteed  to  all, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness  be  a  common  boon,  secured  to  in- 
dustry by  the  equity  of  her  principles  and  simplicity  of  her  laws. 
Such  are  the  defects  of  our  organic  laws." 

Mr.  Simpson's  proposed  plan  for  the  cure  of  these  de- 
fects— that  of  creating  a  monstrous  monster  to  check  and 
keep  in  order  the  little  ones — is  rather  strange,  and  is  apt 
to  remind  one  of  the  man  that  introduced  a  ferocious  tiger 
into  his  house  for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  rats  and  mice 
in  proper  subjection.  Now,  if  this  gentleman  had  not  in- 
tended to  "  cajole,  flatter,  and  delude  the  working  classes 
to  their  own  injury,"  (as  Judge  Hall  says  demagogues  al- 
ways do,)  instead  of  recommending  the  establishment  of 
such  an  institution^  as  he  did,  would  have  told  us  that  it 
would  be  perfectly  preposterous  to  expect  the  monster 
bank  would  interpose  her  power  and  influence  for  the  pur- 
pose of  checking,  and  keeping  in  proper  subjection,  the 
small  fry;  but,  on  the  contrary,  would  be  most  apt,  as  a 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  135 

thousand  is  to  one,  to  court  their  favor  and  good  feelings, 
(being  all  birds  of  one  feather;)  so  that,  in  case  any  diffi- 
culty should  happen  between  her  and  the  government, 
(such  as  wishing  or  attempting  to  examine  into  her  affairs, 
books,  &c.,)  she  could  call  in  their  assistance — combine 
their  power  and  influence  together — assume  an  attitude  of 
defiance — attack  the  government — flood  the  country  with 
worthless  promises — corrupt  our  legislators — stop  specie 
payments — lock  up  or  export  the  real  money ;  in  short,  fill 
the  whole  country  with  corruption,  bankruptcy  and  confu- 
sion, and  then  point  to  government  as  the  cause,  while 
the  whole  mischief  was  justly  chargeable  to  herself  alone. 
But  Mr.  Simpson's  object  was  to  "  cajole  and  flatter  the  work- 
ing classes,  because  they  are  the  most  numerous,  and  wield  the 
greatest  power  at  the  ballot-boxes"  He  has  written  a  whole 
chapter  to  prove  the  impossibility  of  having  a  mixed  cur- 
rency. To  talk  of  it,  he  says — 

"  Is  to  talk  of  a  fiction ;  [and  that]  the  theory  of  it  has  been  in- 
vented by  stipendiaries  of  banks,  in  order  to  reconcile  the  producers 
of  wealth  to  the  frauds  and  taxes  imposed  upon  them  by  paper 
money  and  banking  corporations.  It  has  been  defended  by  saying, 
that  specie  being  the  foundation  of  a  paper  currency,  renders  the 
latter  as  sound  as  if  it  was  composed  of  specie  altogether;  a  so- 
phism so  palpably  absurd,  as  to  surprise  us  at  its  announcement. 
For  how  can  that  be  a  foundation,  which  entirely  disappears1? 
How  can  paper  be  sustained  by  specie,  when  the  amount  of  the 
latter  can  never  be  made  to  cover  the  former  ?  How  can  one  be 
equal  to  one  hundred  1  Gross  as  this  paradox  is,  it  has  its  believers; 
for  what  is  too  monstrous  for  ignorance  to  swallow,  or  credulity  to 
assent  to  ?  A  public  that  would  believe  in  a  mixed  currency,  would 
believe  anything  !  " 

After  saying  all  this,  and  declaring  the  utter  worthless- 
ness  of  paper  money  under  all  circumstances,  at  pages 
244—5,  we  find  the  following  remarks : 

"  A  pure  metallic  currency  being  impracticable,  it  remains  to  be 
considered  what  species  of  currency  is  most  convenient,  most  safe, 
least  variable,  and  most  favorable  to  private  and  public  credit." 

He  then  earnestly  recommends  a  continuance  of  the 
{  United  States  Bank"  and  thus  continues  his  remarks: 


136  WORKING  MAN'S 

"  Gold  and  silver  being  too  unwieldly  for  a  currency  in  large 
amounts,  but  necessary  as  a  standard  of  value,  and  paper  being  most 
convenient,  but  having  no  value,  [in  another  place  he  declares  it 
utterly  worthless,]  it  becomes  self-evident  that,  by  a  PROPER 
MIXTURE  of  the  two,  a  medium  of  exchange  is  compounded, 
which,  while  it  secures  property  from  danger,  [what  a  joke !]  at  the 
same  time  extends  the  utmost  facility  to  the  circulation  of  wealth, 
and  the  operations  of  commerce." 

Now  let  the  reader  turn  back  and  read  what  the  same 
gentleman  has  said  on  the  subject  of  a  mixed  currency.  He 
continues  thus,  ^age  245 : 

"  In  the  bills  of  this  corporation,  [United  States  Bank,]  we  pos- 
sess the  double  property  of  gold  and  silver  in  respect  to  value,  and 
all  the  facility  of  paper  credits,  without  any  of  their  disadvantages. 
They  are  gold  and  silver  embodied  in  a  form  so  portable,  so  aerial, 
as  to  almost  realize  the  idea  of  magic,  and  present,  in  a  new  aspect, 
those  wonderful  inventions  of  science  and  philosophy  which  dis- 
tinguish the  era  of  steam  power,  and  the  application  of  mathema- 
tical science  to  the  annihilation  of  distance." 

There,  working  men,  the  story  is  now  told ;  and  the 
cream  of  the  joke  lies  in  this:  that  all  those  pernicious, 
oppressive,  and  blighting  effects,  consequent  of  all  bank 
issues4  when  brought  about  by  a  United  States  Bank  "  in 
the  twinkling  of  an  eye,"  become  blessings,  and  ought, 
therefore, ito  be  cherished  and  promoted.  And  the  power 
ofvall  other  banks  to  rob  labor  of  its  just  reward  to  fill  the 
pockets  of  idle  capitalists,  and  to  throw  the  value  of  all 
roperty  into  utter  confusion,  that  of  the  United  States 
ank  magically  becomes  the  safeguard  of  property,  the 
most  equitable  distributor  of  the  poor /man's  labor,  "  and 
extends  the  utmost  facilities  to  the  circulation  of  wealth, 
and  the  operations  of  commerce."  O,  producers  of  wealth, 
how  ye  have  been  "  cajoled  and  flattered !" 

We  shall  now  place  a  few  of  Mr.  Simpson's  sentiments 
in  juxtaposition,  so  that  the  reader  may  have  a  clear  and 
condensed  view  of  the  subject: 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY. 


137 


ALL  BANKING  INSTIUTIONS  : 


UNITED  STATES  BANK  : 


Nature  of  their  Issues,  or  Bills.      Nature  of  its  Issues,  or  Bills. 


"  All  moneyed  corporations  are 
taxes  upon  industry,  and  every 
bank  bill  that  issues  carries  a 
burden  upon  labor.  A  bank  bill 
is  an  order  for  so  much  money 
[or  other  property,  or  work  of 
labor]  drawn  upon  the  producer 
by  the  banker.  Its  acceptance, 
receipt  and  circulation,  is  tanta- 
mount to  the  payment  of  an  or- 
der upon  the  person  receiving  it. 
It  is  a  draft  from  capital  drawn 
upon  labor  at  sight,  and  paid  by 
public  credulity,  faith,  or  what  is 
sometimes  called  credit. 

"  The  party  that  profits,  and 
the  only  one,  in  these  transactions 
of  fiction  and  fraud,  is  the  bank- 
er,  the  stockholder  and  specula- 
tor. By  these  operations  the 
banks  make  use  of  the  entire 
property  of  the  community  for 
their  own  exclusive  profit,  inter- 
est and  usury!" — Page  142. 

"  The  idea  that  paper  credits 
represent  gold  and  silver,  being 
an  illusion  in  the  very  nature  of 
things,  it  is  obvious  that  society 
is  duped,  as  well  as  plundered, 
by  the  fiction  ! ' ' — Page  143. 

"  The  continental  money  will 
never  cease  to  be  quoted  as  an 
awful  admonition  to  avoid  the 
mischiefs  of  a  national  paper 
currency;  the  illusion  of  public 
faith  was  dissipated  by  the  reali- 
ty of  a  bankrupt  nation." — Page 
170. 


A  Mixed  Currency. 


[But]  "the  bills  of  this  corpo- 
ration possess  the  double  proper- 
ty of  gold  and  silver  in  respect 
to  value,  and  all  the  facility  of 
paper  credit,  without  any  of  their 
disadvantages ! 

"  They  are  gold  and  silver  em- 
bodied in  a  form  so  portable,  so 
aerial,  as  to  almost  realize  the 
idea  of  magic!" — Page  245. 

"The  bills  of  this  bank  are 
convertible  into  specie  at  plea- 
sure, [witness,  years  1837-'8-'9 
-'40,  &c. ;]  they  constitute  a  uni- 
versal currency,  of  equal  value 
in  all  parts  of  the  Union.  And 
while  they  possess  this  precious 
property  of  an  equal  and  sound 
currency,  they  also  operate  as  a 
check  upon  all  other  paper  cred- 
its, imparting  the  same  qualities 
to  them,  and  exacting  a  specie 
responsibility  from  all  institu- 
tions that  emit  this  useful  [to  the 
banker]  but  dangerous  kind  of 
fictitious  money ;  which,  without 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
would  be  wholly  a  fiction,  and 
essentially  a  curse!"— Page  246. 

"  This  institution  operates  to  se- 
cure the  solvency  of  the  whole  na- 
tion, and  interposes  its  benignant 
power  to  arrest  ruin  and  bankrupt- 
cy throughout  the  States,  [wit- 
ness, year  1842.]  How  serious 
a  duty,  therefore,  devolves  upon 
the  people  to  preserve  this  insti- 
ution.  Let  them  ponder  on  it 
with  solemnity." — Page  246. 

A  Mixed  Currency. 


"  To  talk  of  a  mixed  currency         [But]  "specie  being  too  un- 
is  to  talk  of  a  fiction.     It  cannot    wieldly  for  a  currency  in  large 


138 


WORKING     MAN    S 


amounts,  but  necessary  as  a  stan- 
dard of  value,  it  becomes  self- 
evident,  that,  by  a  proper  mix- 
ture of  the  issues  of  this  institu- 
tion and  specie,  a  medium  of  ex- 
change is  compounded,  which, 
contrasted  with  any  other  exten- 
sive method  of  a  profitable  me- 
dium of  exchange,  combining 
the  standard  and  invariable  pro- 
perty of  gold  and  silver,  while 
it  secures  property  from  danger,* 
at  the  same  time  extends  the  ut- 
most facility  to  the  circulation 
of  wealth*  and  the  operations  of 
commerce,  no  institution  can  vie 
with  that  under  consideration, 
[viz:  that  of  the  United  States 
Bank."]— Pages  244-5. 


exist  in  fact.  The  theory  has 
been  invented  by  the  stipendia- 
ries of  banks,  [proof  in  the  next 
column,  Q^r]  in  order  to  recon- 
cile the  producers  of  wealth  to 
the  frauds  and  taxes  imposed 
upon  them  by  the  paper  money 
of  banking  corporations.  The 
most  celebrated  financiers  have 
attempted  to  persuade  the  com- 
munity that  currency  is  wealth, 
[proof  in  the  next  column,  Q^r] 
.ecause  they  are  predicated  on 
the  existence  of  gold  and  silver. 
Gross  as  this  paradox  is,  it  has 
its  believers;  forwhat  is  toomon- 
strous  for  ignorance  to  swallow, 
or  credulity  to  assent  to  ?  A 
public  that  would  believe  in  a 
mixed  currency,  would  believe  in 
anything,"  [no  matter  how  ab- 
surd and  contrary  to  our  expe- 
rience ] — Pages  104-5. 

Such,  then,  are  the  conflicting,  sentiments  of  Stephen 
Simpson,  contained  in  his  "Working  Man's  Manual."  O 
consistency,  but  thou  art  indeed  a  jewel! 

This  is  in  perfect  keeping  with  our  institutions:  every- 
thing that  is  good,  and  consistently  calculated  to  promote 
the  happiness  of  the  mass  of  the  people,  has  been  sacri- 
ficed to  gratify  the  inordinate,  insolent  claims  of  capital ; 
and  for  the  proof  of  which,  we  need  nothing  stronger  than 
"  Simpson's  Working  Man's  Manual." 

We  shall  now  bring  up  his  brother  banker,  Judge  Hall, 
to  scold  him  a  little,  and  then  let  them  both  rest  in  peace ; 
sincerely  hoping  that  all  bankers  will  soon  learn  the  errors 
of  their  ways,  become  wise,  humane,  and  evince  a  proper 
regard  for  the  just  rights  of  their  fellow  men. 

"Under  the  influence  of  that  fell  spirit  of  demagoguism  which 
has  swept  over  our  land,  it  has  become  fashionable  to  flatter  the 

*  The  circulation  of  wealth  the  gentleman  speaks  of,  is  the  rapidity  with  which 
all  wealth  passes  from  the  hands  of  the  producer  into  the  pocket  at"  the  banker; 
and  the  property  secured  from  danger,  is  that  of  the  banker  and  speculator — not 
iho  property  of  the  honest  producer. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  139 

agricultural  and  laboring  classes,  because  they  are  the  most  nu- 
merous, and  wield  the  greatest  power  at  the  ballot-boxes;  while  a 
systematic  effort  is  made  to  decry  the-  merchant  and  the  banker, 
and  to  stigmatize  their  business  as  inimical  to  the  liberty  and  pros- 
perity of  the  country.  We  might  pass  over  these  incendiary  doc- 
trines, if  it  were  not  for  the  wide-spread  mischief  which  they  work, 
by  deluding  to  their  own  injury  the  numerous  classes  whom  they 
are  intended  to  cajole  and  flatter.  The  laborer  and  mechanic  are 
taught  to  dislike  the  banker,  whose  means  furnish  them  with  daily 
employment,  [from  motives  of  pure  benevolence!]  and  the  farmer's 
mind  is  diligently  imbued  with  a  settled  hatred  for  the  merchant, 
without  whose  assistance  his  crops  would  rot  upon  the  field." 

Yes,  the  merchant  and  banker  contrive  to  relieve  the 
farmer  of  the  incumbrance  of  his  toil-earned  wealth,  and, 
in  lieu  thereof,  leave  him  in  possession  of  their  worthless 
promises,  which  cost  nothing  to  make  but  the  mere  scratch 
of  a  pen.  Surely,  the  farmer  ought  to  be  very  thankful  for 
such  generous  favors !  So,  the  Judge  whines  and  scolds  ; 
the  cashier  "cajoles  and  flatters:"  all  for  the  good  of  the 
dear  people — the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  nation ! 

The  following  quotation,  from  Simpson's  work,  we  think 
very  appropriate,  in  finishing  this  part  of  the  subject: 

"  Here,  then,  we  behold  capital  degrading  and  enslaving  man- 
kind ;  making  society  vicious,  wretched  and  ferocious,  on  the  one 
hand — proud,  cruel  and  oppressive,  on  the  other,  owing  to  that 
tendency  in  capital  to  attract,  extort  and  accumulate,  from  the 
wages  of  labor;  besides,  legalized  monopolies  grinding  down  in- 
dustry to  the  scanty  pittance  necessary  but  to  sustain  life.  And  so 
truly  as  the  sun  drinks  up  the  morning  dew,  so  does  the  idle  capi- 
talist absorb  the  just  substance  of  the  man  of  labor, — stripping  from 
his  children's  limbs  what  should  clothe  them — taking  from  their 
mouths  what  should  feed  them — and  keeping  from  their  understand- 
ings what  should  instruct,  enlighten,  and  save  them.  '  Who's  born 
for  sloth1?'  I  answer,  the  idle  capitalist.  How  many  thousands 
upon  thousands  live  upon  the  sweat  of  the  poor  man's  labor,  in  idle 
pleasure  and  suicidal  vice.  Nature  decrees  it  otherwise ;  justice 
decrees  it  otherwise ;  reason  proclaims  it  ought  not  to  be  so  ; — but 
the  proud,  oppressive,  overhearing,  cruel  capitalist,  while  he  admits 
the  fact  with  feigned  regret,  yet  insists  that  wisdom  and  virtue  are 
only  compatible  with  satiety  on  the  one  hand,  and  starvation  on  the 
other'"— Pages  66-7. 

What  a  pity — what  cause  of  regret,  that  one  who  could 
write  such  a  glowing,  living  picture  of  the  miseries  en- 


140  WORKING  MAN'S 

tailed  upon  mankind,  by  the  oppressive  and  unfeeling  hand 
of  capital,  should  so  fall  from  the  dignity  of  manhood,  as 
to~prostitute  such  fine  talents  as  he  possessed,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  inducing  the  working  classes  to  lend  their  delibe- 
rate aid  in  establishing  and  perpetuating  one  of  the  great- 
est and  most  dangerous  "  monopolies  of  capital "  perhaps 
in  the  world,  and  which,  he  well  knew,  must  eventually 
bring  about  those  very  consequences  he,  apparently,  so 
feelingly  deprecates.  But,  such  is  the  overwhelming  in- 
fluence of  capital,  that  its  arrogant  claims  must  be  vindi- 
cated at  all  hazards.  Justice,  religion,  and  morality,  must 
be  sacrificed,  that  a  few  may  possess  all  the  riches — all  the 
ease — all  the  comfort — all  the  enjoyment;  and  the  toiling 
millions  must  be  kept  in  hopeless  dependence,  and,  finally, 
starved  to  death. 

If  we  have  a  "  National  Bank,"  no  one  would  deny  the 
danger  of  its  existence,  if  its  political  views  should  be  an- 
tagonistical  to  those  of  government ;  and,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  they  should  happen  to  be  both  united  against  the 
views  of  the  people,  the  danger  would  be  still  greater; — 
so  that,  whether  it  be  the  friend  or  enemy  of  government, 
it  is  alike  to  be  dreaded ;  nor  could  real  patriotism,  under 
any  consideration,  tolerate  its  existence.  But  if  the  people 
will  have  one,  in  order  to  preserve  consistency,  they  ought 
to  abolish  all  other  departments  of  government.  This  is 
one  of  the  great  questions  incumbent  on  "  National  Re- 
formers "  to  settle.  They  should  continually  bear  in  mind, 
that,  when  orthodox  political  economists,  stump  speak- 
ers, or  legislators,  generally,  speak  of  the  prosperity  of 
a,  country,  mean  the  ease,  certainty,  and  rapidity  with 
which  property  passes  from  the  hands  of  those  who  produce 
it  into  the  coffers  of  those  who  produce  nothing,  but  claim  the 
right  to  own  all  things.  And  the  facilities  to  trade  and  busi- 
ness, mean  all  those  cunning  contrivances,  invented  by  the 
cupidity  and  avarice  of  the  " business  community"  for  the 
express  purpose  of  producing  such  results :  "  satiety  on  the 
one  hand — starvation  on  the  other." 

The  working  classes  may  well  rejoice  that  the  "  mon- 
ster" pauper-making  machine  is  no  more — is  "obsolete;" 
and  the  small  fry  may  be  taken  in  detail  much  easier  now, 
than  when  protected  by  the  gigantic  power  of  the  mater- 
nal "  monster." 

IP  addition  to  all  that  has  been  said  on  this  subject,  we 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  141 

would  refer  the  reader  to  Madison's  Journal  of  the  Federa 
Convention.  He  will  find  that  it  was  intended  by  that 
body,  that  the  federal  government  should  not  have  the 
power  of  making  paper  money,  or  of  circulating  bills  of 
credit.  At  page  1343,  vol.  3,  will  be  found  the  following 
record : 

"  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  moved  to  strike  out « and  emit  bills  on 
the  credit  of  the  United  States.'  If  the  United  States  had  credit, 
such  bills  would  be  unnecessary ;  if  they  had  not,  unjust  and  use- 
less. Mr.  Butler  seconds  the  motion. 

"  Mr.  Madison.  Will  it  not  be  sufficient  to  prohibit  the  making 
of  them  a  tender  ?  This  will  remove  the  temptation  to  emit  them 
with  unjust  views.  And  promissory  notes,  in  that  shape,  may,  in 
some  emergencies,  be  best. 

"  Mr.  G.  Morris.  Striking  out  the  words  will  leave  room  still 
for  notes  of  a  responsible  minister,  which  will  do  all  the  good  with- 
out the  mischief.  The  moneyed  interest  will  oppose  the  plan  of 
government,  if  paper  emissions  be  not  prohibited. 

"  Mr.  Gorharn  was  for  striking  out  without  inserting  any  pro- 
hibition. If  the  words  stand,  they  may  suggest  and  lead  to  the 
measure. 

"  Mr.  Mason  had  doubts  on  the  subject.  Congress,  he  thought, 
would  not  have  the  power,  unless  it  were  expressed.  Though  he 
had  a  mortal  hatred  to  paper  money,  yet,  as  he  could  not  foresee 
all  emergencies,  he  was  unwilling  to  tie  the  hands  of  the  Legis- 
lature. He  observed  that  the  late  war  could  not  have  been  carried 
on,  had  such  a  prohibition  existed. 

"  Mr.  Gorham.  The  power,  as  far  as  it  \dll  be  necessary,  or 
safe,  is  involved  in  that  of  borrowing. 

"  Mr.  Mercer  was  a  friend  of  paper  money,  though,  in  the  present 
state  and  temper  of  America,  he  should  neither  propose  nor  approve 
of  such  a  measure.  He  was,  consequently,  opposed  to  a  prohibi- 
tion of  it  altogether.  It  will  stamp  suspicion  on  the  government, 
to  deny  it  a  discretion  on  this  point.  It  was  impolitic,  also,  to  excite 
the  opposition  of  all  those  who  were  friends  to  paper  money.  The 
people  of  property  would  be  sure  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  plan,  and 
it  was  impolitic  to  purchase  their  further  attachment  with  the  loss 
of  the  opposite  class  of  citizens. 

"  Mr.  Ellsworth  thought  this  a  fa\orable  moment  to  shut  and  bar 
the  door  against  paper  money.  The  mischiefs  of  the  various  ex- 
periments which  had  been  made,  were  now  fresh  in  the  public  mind, 
and  had  excited  the  disgust  of  all  the  respectable  part  of  America. 
By  withholding  the  power  from  the  new  government,  more  friends 
of  influence  would  be  gained  to  it  than  by  almost  anything  else. 
Paper  money  can  in  no  case  be  necessary.  Give  the  government 


142  WORKING   MAN'S 

credit,  and  other  resources  will  offer.  The  power  may  do  harm, 
never  good. 

"  Mr.  Randolph,  notwithstanding  his  antipathy  to  paper  money ,' 
could  not  agree  to  strike  cut  the  words,  as  he  could  not  foresee  all 
the  occasions  that  might  arise. 

"  Mr.  Wilson.  It  will  have  a  most  salutary  influence  on  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  to  remove  the  possibility  of  paper  mo- 
ney. This  expedient  can  never  succeed  while  its  mischiefs  are 
remembered.  /And  GO  long  as  it  can  he  resorted  to,  it  will  be  a  bar 
to  other  resources. 

"  Mr.  Butler  remarked,  that  paper  was  a  legal  tender  in  no  coun- 
try ; :  F'  "ope.  He  was  urgent  for  disarming  the  government  of 
such  a  power. 

"  Mr.  Mason  was  still  averse  to  tying  the  hands  of  the  Legisla- 
ture altogether.  If  there  was  no  example  in  Europe,  as  just  re- 
marked, it  might  be  observed,  on  the  other  side,  that  there  was  none 
in  which  the  government  was  restrained  on  this  head. 

"  Mr.  Read  thought  the  words,  if  not  struck  out,  would  be  as 
alarming  as  the  mark  of  the  Beast  in  the  Revelation. 

"  Mr.  Langdon  had  rather  reject  the  whole  plan  than  retain  the 
three  words, '  and  emit  bills.' 

"  On  motion  for  striking  out — New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Connecticut,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  voted  aye — 9.  New  Jersey  and  Mary- 
land, no — 2.  [So  the  words  were  stricken  out.] 

"  The  clause  for  borrowing  money  was  agreed  to,  nem.  con" 

The  index  which  refers  to  the  above  passage,  reads  thus : 
"  Currency.    The  pretext  for  one  of  paper  cut  off 1346." 

The  above  vote,  if  taken  individually  instead  of  by  States, 
would  have  stood  thus: — Ayes  30,  Noes  7 — a  majority  of 
over  five-sevenths. 

From  the  foregoing  evidence,  it  is  perfectly  clear  that 
the  framers  of  the  Constitution  fully  intended  that  no  such 
"vagrant"  power,  as  that  of  circulating  bills  of  credit,  or 
paper  money,  should  exist  iri  the  country ;  consequently, 
the  States  are  positively  prohibited  from  using  it.  To  pro- 
hibit the  United  States  government  was  not  necessary,  it 
having  no  right  to  assume  powers  not  expressly  granted  by 
the  States  or  people :  being  essentially  a  government  of 
delegated  powers  only.  The  assumption  that  the  General 
Government  can  endow  others — either  individuals  or  cor- 
porations— with  powers  it  does  not  possess  itself,  is  per- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  143 

fectly  ridiculous.  Such  a  power  has  never  yet  been  dele- 
gated to  the  General  Government.  The  10th  Article  of 
Amendments  to  the  Constitution  reads  thus :  "  The  powers 
not  delegated  to  the  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohi- 
bited by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respec- 
tively, or  to  the  people."  Will  any  man,  in  the  face  of 
this  evidence,  have  the  hardihood  to  contend  for  either  the 
justness  or  constitutionality  of  a  bank  charter?  Surely 
not. 


144  WORKING 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

A  PROTECTIVE  TARIFF PRELIMINARY  OBSERVATIONS. 

THERE  is  a  very  pernicious  error  prevalent  among  the 
American  people,  the  consequences  of  which  ought  not  to 
be  overlooked  by  the  National  Reformer ;  and  that  is,  in 
placing  too  much  confidence  in  the  truth  of  the  doctrines, 
declarations  and  opinions,  advocated  by  our  representa- 
tives in  our  legislative  halls,  merely  because  they  have  the 
reputation  of  being  great  statesmen,  or  because  they  be- 
long to  this  or  that  political  party.  Now,  this  is  evidently 
wrong,  and  often  leads  to  delusion.  For  it  is  notorious  to 
all,  that  many  of  our  most  distinguished  and  talented  states- 
men have  been  on  diametrically  opposite  sides  of  the  va- 
rious prominent  political  questions  that  come  before  them 
for  discussion  at  different  times.  Now,  it  is  not  possible 
that  either  the  nature  of  truth  or  justice  can  change  ;  but  the 
pursuits  and  interests  of  men  may,  and  do :  and  are  all  that 
can  or  do  change.  This  view,  then,  of  the  subject,  dissi- 
pates the  apparent  mystery.  We  should  look  upon  a  re- 
presentative precisely  as  we  do  upon  a  lawyer  going  into 
court  for  the  sole  object  of  defending  the  cause  of  his  cli- 
ent, be  he  right  or  wrong ;  such  being  Ms  sworn  duty. 

It  is  precisely  so  with  a  legislator :  he  goes  to  fight  the 
battle — advocate  and  maintain  the  interests  of  those  that 
send  him :  for  this  is  he  sent.  Neither  is  it  wrong ;  for 
when  the  mass  of  the  people  become  sufficiently  intelligent 
themselves  to  know  the  right,  with  sufficient  firmness  to  de- 
mand it,  the  right  will  be  accomplished — must  be  ;  but,  till 
then,  cannot  be. 

At  one  period  of  his  life,  wre  see  an  eminent  statesman, 
when  representing  the  pure  mercantile  interests  of  the 
New  England  States,  eloquently  discoursing  upon  the 
beauty  and  advantages  of  free  trade  and  foreign  inter- 
course— of  the  injustice  of  giving  power  to  a  small  portion 
,>f  community  to  tax  the  greater,  by  legislative  means ; 
ind,  therefore,  a  high  tariff,  on  the  ground  or  pretext  of 
protection,  or  for  any  other  purpose  than  the  support  of 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  145 

government,  is  unjust,  and  contrary  to  the  genius  and  spirit 
of  our  free  institutions ;  and  is,  in  reality,  not  protection, 
but  oppression  to  the  great  mass  of  the  people. 

But,  in  after  years,  when  the  services  of  this  same  ta- 
lented statesman  were  required,  (and  finally  obtained  by  a 
stipend  of  six  thousand  dollars  per  annum,  in  addition  to 
his  eight  dollars  a  day,)  for  the  purpose  of  pleading  the 
claims  of  New  England  capitalists  engaged  in  manufac- 
tures, the  thing  was  entirely  reversed;  all  he  had  said 
before  was  now  wrong ;  in  short,  what  was  white  before, 
was  now  black,  and  vice  versa. 

Now,  this  is  all  very  simple — very  natural ;  for  this  he 
deserves  no  censure  :  he  did  nothing  more  than  any  labor- 
ing man  would  do, — work  hardest  for  him  that  could  pay 
the  highest  wages.  He  could  now  descant  upon  the  duty 
of  government  to  encourage  manufactures — to  protect  the 
American  mechanic  from  the  fatal  effects  of  the  competi- 
tion of  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe ;  that  a  home  market 
was  much  better  for  the  farmer  than  a  foreign  one ;  the 
extra  price  the  farmer  would  be  obliged  to  pay  for  his 
goods,  it  could  be  proved,  was  to  his  advantage.  In  short, 
the  whole  carrying  trade  ought  to  be  dispensed  with,  being 
injurious  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country ;  that  is,  the  in- 
terest of  capitalists  engaged  in  manufactures. 

Again,  we  have  seen  others,  at  one  time  strenuously  and 
with  the  utmost  zeal,  opposing  the  establishment  of  banks, 
and  other  chartered  monopolies ;  being  destructive  to  lib- 
erty— a  grievous  burden  imposed  upon  labor — is  the  parent 
of  pauperism  ;  tending  to  reduce  the  producers  of  wealth 
to  a  state  of  hopeless  misery,  dependence  and  wretched- 
ness. At  other  times,  we  find  the  very  same  men,  with 
equal  zeal,  advocating  the  establishment  of  the  very  mea- 
sures which  they  had  previously  declared  so  pernicious  and 
destructive  to  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  people. 
Now,  the  nature  of  good  and  evil — a  right  and  wrong — 
never  can  change,  though  men's  pursuits  and  interests  may, 
and  do;  and  these  are  all  that  can  change — principles 
never  can.  At  this  very  hour  there  is  scarcely  to  be  found 
a  politician,  of  any  considerable  note,  that  has  not  been 
on  both  sides  of  some  of  the  various  questions  that,  from 
time  to  time,  agitate,  distract,  and  bewilder  the  public 
mind.  These  facts  are  too  notorious  to  need  particular 
mention  here ;  they  stare  us  in  the  face — they  cannot  be 
denied. 


146  .Y    WORKING  MAN'S 

This  state  of  things  proves,  clearly,  that  a  fundamental 
error  exists  somewhere ;  and,  also,  the  absolute  necessity 
of  every  man  (if  he  wishes  to  avoid  the  degradation  of  be- 
ing the  everlasting  football  of  the  political  demagogue)  in- 
vestigating and  understanding  the  subject  of  his  social  and 
political  relation  with  his  fellow  men,  for  himself.  And  let 
him  never  forget,  that  he  himself  is  one  of  the  sovereign 
people,  and  is  equally  entitled  to  any  political  privilege  that 
any  other  man  is ;  yet,  in  a  government  of  equal  rights, 
privileges  do  not,  cannot  exist,  and  are,  therefore,  an  ab- 
surdity :  officers  of  government  being  but  the  agents  or 
servants  of  the  people,  empowered  to  carry  out  their  will. 
The  great  difference  between  this  and  other  governments, 
is,  that  other  governments  impose  themselves  and  their 
laws  upon  the  people  without  their  will  or  consent,  and  is 
a  power  separate  and  distinct  from  the  people.  But  this 
is  not  the  case  with  ours — the  government  and  the  people 
being,  essentially,  one  and  the  same ;  in  other  words,  the 
people  govern  themselves.  We  should  be  extremely  care- 
ful that  we  are  not  deceived  by  the  mere  sound  and  jingle 
of  words,  as  many  are  deluded  thereby.  Men  can  always 
find  good  names  to  cover  up  and  hide  the  ugliness  of  bad 
actions.  Sometimes  they  call  indirect  and  oppressive  tax- 
ation Protection;  sometimes  they  call  the  most  outrageous 
injustice  and  cruelty  by  the  name  of  law  and  order :  and  a 
manly  resistance  thereto  they  call  rebellion,  treason,  dis- 
organization, &c.  Yet,  these  misnomers  are  not  always 
evidence  of  dishonesty ;  because  a  man  may  be,  uncon- 
sciously, in  error. 

The  truth  of  the  above  remarks  are  exceedingly  well 
illustrated  by  Bulwer,  in  "  Paul  Clifford ;"  and,  though  a 
fictitious  work,  "  the  picture  's  true  to  nature."  It  will  be 
found  in  the  tenth  chapter,  as  follows : 

"  *  Listen  to  me,  Paul,'  answered  Augustus ;  and  his  reply  is  not 
unworthy  of  notice.  *  All  crime  and  all  excellence  depend  upon 
a  good  choice  of  words. — I  see  you  look  puzzled ;  I  will  explain. 
If  you  take  money  from  the  public  and  say  you  have  robbed,  you 
have  undoubtedly  committed  a  great  crime;  but  if  you  do  the  same 
and  say  you  have  been  relieving  the  necessities  of  the  poor,  you 
have  done  an  excellent  action :  if,  in  afterward  dividing  this  money 
with  your  companions,  you  say  you  have  been  sharing  booty,  you 
have  committed  an  offence  against  the  laws  of  your  country.  But 
if  you  observe,  that  you  have  been  sharing  with  your  friends  the 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  147 

gains  of  your  industry,  you  have  performed  one  of  the  noblest 
actions  of  humanity.  To  knock  a  man  on  the  head  is  neither  vir- 
tuous nor  guilty,  but  it  depends  upon  the  language  applied  to  the 
action  to  make  it  murder  or  glory.  Why  not  say,  then,  that  you 
have  testified  *  the  courage  of  a  hero,'  rather  than  *  the  atrocity  of 
the  ruffian?'  This  is  perfectly  clear,  is  it  not?' 

"  '  It  seems  so,'  answered  Paul. 

"  <  It  is  so  self-evident,  it  is  the  way  all  governments  are  carried 
on.  If  you  want  to  rectify  an  abuse,  those  in  power  call  you  dis- 
affected. Oppression  is  '  law  and  order.'9  Extortion  is  i  religious 
establishment;9  and  taxes  are  the  *  Messed  constitution.1  Therefore, 
my  good  Paul,  we  only  do  what  all  other  legislators  do.  We  are 
never  rogues  so  long  as  we  call  ourselves  honest  fellows,  and  we 
never  commit  a  crime  so  long  as  we  can  term  it  a  virtue !  What 
say  you  now?' 

"  '  There  is  very  little  doubt  but  that  you  are  wrong ;  yet  if  you 
are,  so  are  all  the  rest  of  the  world.  It  is  of  no  use  to  be  the  only 
white  sheep  of  the  flock.  Wherefore,  my  dear  Tomlinson,  I  will 
in  future  be  an  excellent  citizen,  relieve  the  necessities  of  the  poor, 
and  share  the  gains  of  my  industry  ivith  my  friends.' ': 

We  think  the  phrase  would  be  much  improved,  and 
easier  understood,  by  making  it  read  thus  :  Relieve  the  poor 
of  their  incumbranccs,  and  share  the  gains  of  my  talents  among 
my  friends. 

No  doubt  many  would  censure  Paul  for  coming  to  the 
conclusion  he  did;  but  it  is  precisely  the  same  that  the 
king  and  all  capitalists  come  to ;  and  the  language  they 
make  use  of,  in  order  to  quiet  their  consciences  and  stop 
the  mouth  of  the  gainsayer,  is :  "  we  promote  and  accele- 
rate the  business  and  prosperity  of  the  country  [that  is, 
themselves,]  by  the  operation  !"  And  it  is  the  same  con- 
clusion the  Factory  Lord  comes  to,  when  he  claims  from 
government  the  benefit  of  a  protective  tariff.  But  with 
whom  will  he  share  his  gains? — with  the  hard  working 
producer?  No,  never;  but,  on  the  contrary,  will  rivet  on 
his  chains  so  much  the  tighter.  Keeping  these  observa- 
tions in  view,  we  proceed  to  examine  the  nature  of  a 

PROTECTIVE   TARIFF. 

People,  in  general,  when  speaking  of  a  tariff,  advance 
the  idea,  that  when  a  foreign  government  imposes  a  duty 
upon  our  products,  that  the  payment  of  that  duty  is  im- 
posed upon  us ;  and  that  we,  the  exporters,  are  obliged  to 


148  .WORKING  MAN'S 

pay  it  out  of  our  own  pockets;  or,  in  other  words,  are 
obliged  to  deduct  so  much  from  the  selling  price  of  the 
article,  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of  the  foreign  government. 
Now,  this  absurdity  is  too  glaring  to  need  a  refutation ; 
and  we  may  truly  say  of  it,  what  Mr.  Simpson  says  of  a 
mixed  currency,  "  it  is  a  sophism  so  palpably  absurd,  as  to  sur- 
prise us  at  its  announcement"  For,  if  it  were  so,  nothing 
could  be  easier  for  us  to  accomplish  than  to  make  other 
nations  pay  the  expenses  of  our  own  government :  if  the 
thing  could  be  done,  there  would  be  some  propriety  in  pro- 
posing retaliation  ;  but,  as  the  case  really  stands,  we  should 
only  be  imposing  grievous  burdens  upon  ourselves,  of  our 
own  free  will  and  accord,  merely  because  other  govern- 
ments usurp,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  their  subjects,  the 
power  to  tyrannize  over  and  oppress  them. 

Think  you,  if  the  people  of  Great  Britain  were  allowed 
to  speak,  they  would  submit  to  the  injustice  of  being  obli- 
ged to  pay,  continually,  at  least  one  hundred  per  centum 
more  for  every  mouthful  of  bread  they  eat,  but  for  the  in 
tervention  of  government  ?  '*  They  would  not  submit  to 
the  imposition  for  a  moment.  Would  any  body  but  a  fool 
or  madman  deliberately  hire  some  one  to  give  him  a  sound 
drubbing,  rob  him,  or  pick  his  pocket,  merely  because 
others  were  absolutely  compelled  to  suffer  such  injustice  ? 
Strange  kind  of  retaliation,  this  ! 

But,  perhaps  the  worst  feature  of  the  protective  (or,  ra- 
ther, oppressive)  policy,  is,  that  the  extra  price  the  con- 
sumers pay  on  protected  commodities,  does  not  go  to  the 
support  of  government,  but  into  the  pocket  of  the  capital- 
ist almost  exclusively  engaged  in  the  particular  business 
protected ;  and  the  real  producer  or  operator  is  in  no  way 
scarcely  even  benefitted  by  the  policy  ;  and  the  amount  of 
public  revenue  is  inversely  as  the  extent  of  protection ; 
that  is,  the  higher  the  tariff,  the  less  will  be  the  income  to 
government.  C.  E.  Lester  informs  us,  that,  in  the  year 
1840,  the  consumers  of  Great  Britain  paid,  on  breadstuffs 
alone,  one  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars  over  and  above 
what  the  same  quantity  could  have  been  obtained  for  from 
other  countries,  including  cost  of  transportation.  And, 
during  the  same  year,  but  five  million  dollars  from  duties 
on  breadstuffs  reached  the  public  treasury,  for  the  use  of 
government ! ! 

*  For  proof  of  the  fact,  see  "  Condition  and  Fate  of  England." 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  149 

When  the  advocates  of  "protection"  are  driven  from 
the  ground  first  taken,  and  it  is  clearly  proved  that  the  con- 
sumer alone  is  the  duty  payer,  and  that  the  impost  becomes 
part  of  the  cost — as  much  so  as  the  wages  paid  to  the  ope- 
rative, or  the  cost  of  material — they  take  shelter  behind  a 
still  greater  absurdity,  by  admitting  that,  although  we  do 
not  pay  the  foreign  imposts  upon  the  goods  exported  by  us, 
yet  we  do  finally  pay  them  on  the  goods  imported  in  return ; 
forgetting  that  the  grand  pretext  for  "protection  "  is,  that 
the  importation  of  foreign  goods  works  our  ruin  by  their 
very  cheapness!  If  this  is  not  blowing  hot  and  cold  in  the 
same  breath,  what  is? 

Now,  the  policy  of  "protection  "  is,  in  its  nature  and  ope- 
ration, precisely  the  same  -ill  over  the  world,  and  at  all 
times ;  no  matter  to  whom  applied,  whether  to  the  Eng- 
lish land  lord  or  the  American  factory  lord,  the  same  results 
are  produced  by  it.  No  where  in  the  world  has  the  system 
of  "protection"  been  carried  out  to  such  perfection  as  in 
Great  Britain,  and  no  where  in  the  world  shall  we  find  the 
land  and  the  wealth  of  the  country  monopolized  by  so  few 
a  number  of  individuals,  with  a  bloated,  satiated  aristo- 
cracy on  the  one  hand ;  its  millions  of  paupers  and  famish- 
ing operatives  on  the  other.  Therefore,  the  policy  ought 
to  be  called,  not  "  protection,"  but  unjust  oppression. 

That  the  capitalist  is  benefitted  by  an  oppressive  tariff, 
none  will  deny;  or,  rather, is  enabled  to  monopolize  more 
than  his  equitable  share  of  the  wealth  of  his  country,  by 
its  means.  But  at  whose  expense  are  his  gains  ?  We  an- 
swer :  the  great  majority  of  the  people  who  are  not  pro- 
tected, a  great  portion  of  whom  are  women  and  children. 

The  United  States  statistics  show  us,  in  round  numbers, 
that  the  whole  population  of  the  Union  is  about  seventeen 
million ;  and  the  whole  number  of  persons  engaged  in 
manufactures  and  trades  is  not  quite  eight  hundred  thou- 
sand,— which  includes  both  capitalists  and  operatives. 
Now,  if  we  allow  one  out  of  every  five  to  be  a  capitalist, 
it  leaves  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  persons  only  that 
can,  or  ever  were  intended  to  be  benefitted  or  protected 
by  the  measure  we  are  now  examining.  Subtract  these 
capitalists  from  the  whole,  and  there  remains  sixteen  mill- 
ion eight  hundred  and  forty  thousand  consumers, — being 
those  who  are  obliged  to  pay  the  tax  thus  imposed  upon 
the  people,  wrhich  in  a  year  amounts  to  many  million  dol- 


150  WORKING  MAN'S 

lars,  not  one  cent  of  which  goes  to  the  support  of  govern- 
ment, but  into  the  pocket  of  the  capitalist. 

Those  who  contend  for  a  protective  tariff,  ought  to  show 
in  what  manner  the  people  are  benefitted  by  such  a  mea- 
sure ;  but  it  cannot  be  done  :  in  strict  propriety,  it  might 
be  called  a  profitable  loss  to  the  country. 

Now,  we  contend  that  our  government  has  no  right  to 
legislate  power  into  the  hands  of  a  few  to  tax  the  many : 
it  is  a  gross  violation  of  right.  Our  opponents  have  pro- 
nounced this  conclusive  argument  a  "humbug"  to  be  sure ; 
but  they  have  failed  to  show  wherein  the  humbuggery  lies. 

As  an  argument  in  favor  of  profitable  taxation,  we  are 
told  that,  in  consequence  of  the  capitalist  being  enabled  to 
get  higher  prices  for  goods,  he  will  pay  corresponding 
wages  to  the  operatives.  Now,  every  body  knows  that 
this  is  not  true  :  he  will  always  get  labor  as  cheap  as  pos- 
sible. And  when  he  has  succeeded  in  preventing  the  im- 
portation of  foreign  manufactures,  will  he  divide  his  extra 
gains  with  his  operatives — the  very  individuals  that  were 
to  be  benefitted  and  protected  ?  If  he  is  protected  to  the 
amount  of  fifty  per  cent.,  will  he  give  the  American  ope- 
rative even  twenty-five  per  cent.,  in  wages,  more  than  he 
would  a  "  foreign  pauper  operative  ?"  Every  one  knows 
he  would  do  no  such  thing ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  would 
be  more  apt  to  import  the  foreign  pauper  operatives  him- 
self, so  as  to  bring  them  in  direct  competition  with  the  Ameri- 
can operatives;  while,  to  prevent  such  a  result,  it  is  pre- 
tended an  oppressive  tariff  is  needed !  And,  farther  :  will 
not  those  same  factory  lords  be  very  apt  to  use  their  power- 
ful influence  in  getting  a  law  passed,  in  order  to  keep  these 
pauper  operatives  of  Europe  twenty-one  years  from  the 
ballot-boxes?  They  would  be  much  more  fools  than 
knaves,  if  they  did  not. 

If  we  are  to  foster  the  " protective''''  policy,  let  us  be  con- 
sistent. If  the  American  capitalist  is  to  be  protected  by 
pre\  enting  the  importation  of  foreign  manufactures ,  let  the 
American  operative  be  protected  to  the  same  extent,  by 
preventing  the  importation  of  foreign  pauper  labor.  Gentle- 
men, give  us  a  fair  shake  :  all  we  ask  for  is  the  same  kind 
of  sauce  for  the  goose  as  for  the  gander. 

Therefore,  if  the  working  classes  will  promote  the  "pro- 
tective "  system,  their  first  object  should  be  to  prevent  the 
importation  of  foreign  "  pauper  operatives  ;"  it  will  then  be 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  151 

time  enough  to  think  about  preventing  the  importation  of 
the  goods  they  make  :  not  till  then — it  would  be  perfectly 
use.  ess. 

It  has  been  urged,  that  experience  has  j-ioved  that  goods 
do  not  rise  in  price  in  consequence  of  a  protective  tariff; 
but,  on  the  contrary,  have  been  known  to  fall  even  lower 
than  they  had  been  previously.  There  is,  no  doubt,  some 
truth  in  this,  especially  if  the  "pauper  laborers"  of  other 
countries  have  had  time  to  reach  this,  and  have  filled  the 
places  that  ought  to  be  occupied  by  our  own  countrymen. 
Therefore,  if  a  tariff  does  not  raise  the  price  of  goods,  in 
what  way  are  our  own  mechanics  benefited  or  protected 
by  it,  either  capitalists  or  operatives  ?  Why,  the  very  pre- 
text for  its  existence  at  once  vanishes ;  the  very  strongest 
argument  in  its  favor  goes  by  the  board. 

It  is  true,  that  goods  frequently  do  become  cheaper,  after 
the  imposition  of  a  tariff',  than  they  were  before  ;  but  this 
fact  only  proves  that  goods  will  get  cheaper,  even  in  spite 
of  a  tariff.  A  contraction  of  bank  issues  will  cheapen 
property — so  will  improvements  in  labor-saving  machinery 
— so  will  new  facilities  to  intercourse,  as  cheaper  means 
of  transportation, — and  so  will  competition  among  the  working 
classes.  It  would  be  surprising,  indeed,  if,  by  a  combination 
of  the  above  causes,  or  only  a  part  of  them,  they .  should 
not  have  the  effect,  sometimes,  to  make  things  so  much 
cheaper,  that  it  would  overbalance  the  effect  of  the  tariff 
altogether.  And,  as  we  have  said  before,  if  a  tariff  doe  v 
not  enhance  or  raise  the  price  of  goods,  then  the  principal 
argument  in  its  favor  utterly  fails. 

Competition,  improvements  in  the  art.,  and  sciences,  aP. 
kinds  of  machinery,  railroads,  steam  navigation,  &c.,  in 
their  operation,  have  a  direct  tendency  to  make  the  pro- 
ducts of  labor  cheap,  by  lessening  not  only  the  cost  of  pro- 
duction, but  also  that  of  transportation ;  and  it  is  for  this 
very  reason  we  contend  that  the  prosperity  of  a  commu- 
nity is  promoted,  to  wit :  by  making  commodities  cheap ; 
cheapness  always  indicating  abundance,  and,  on  the  con- 
trary, dearness  alwrays  indicating  scarcity.  Therefore,  if 
it  be  good  and  right  to  make  things  cheap,  it  must  be  evil  and 
wrong  to  make  them  dear:  that  is  certain. 

Now,  is  it  not  a  gross  absurdity,  that  while  nineteen- 
twentieths  of  the  people  are  devoting  all  their  energies 
and  faculties  to  the  process  of  making  things  cheap,  the 


152  WORKING  MAN'S 

other  twentieth  should  be  endowed,  by  a  special  act  o  ." 
government,  with  the  power  to  counteract  their  beneficial 
operation, — make  things  cheap  with  twenty  hands,  and 
dear  with  one?  It  would  puzzle  even  Solomon,  with  all 
his  wisdom,  to  show  how  the  people,  en  masse,  are  benefit- 
ted,  when  the  privileged  capitalist  is  the  only  individual 
who  reaps  a  princelT*  harvest  by  the  operation,  and  all  the 
rest  are  losers. 

Some  twenty  or  tmrty  years  since,  wooden  clocks  were 
invented  in  a  sister  State,  and  were  offered  for  sale,  in  all 
parts  of  the  Union,  at  much  cheaper  rates  than  other 
clocks  could  possibly  be  made  for.  The  brass  clock  ma- 
kers took  the  alarm ;  they  perceived,  at  once,  that  if  this 
business  continued,  their  own  would  shortly  be  broken  up, 
and  themselves  completely  thrown  out  of  employment. 
They  perceived,  also,  the  impossibility  of  procuring  aid  or 
"protection"  from  government.  O,  no,  it  is  only  our  own 
countrymen  that  can  be  permitted  to  "break  down  our  manu- 
factures" and  ruin  us  by  making  the  products  of  labor  too 
cheap.  Foreigners  must  not  do  this.  So  the  only  thing 
these  poor  clock-makers  could  do,  to  prevent  the  destruc- 
tion of  their  business,  was  to  endeavor  to  destroy  the  repu- 
tation of  wooden  clocks,  and  refuse  to  repair  them — there- 
by discouraging  the  public  from  purchasing.  But  all  this 
did  not  cure  "  the  evil"  Clocks  were  supplied  in  still  greater 
abundance,  and  at  less  and  less  prices,  till  the  country  be- 
came flooded  by  them ;  and  now  the  consequence  is,  that 
thousands  of  families  can  have  several  clocks  now,  where 
one  could  not  own  one  before.  And  now,  candid  reader, 
was  this  result  beneficial  or  injurious  to  the  community? 
And  if  this  result  was  beneficial  to  the  people, — which  is, 
evidently,  the  case, — would  it  have  been  any  less  so  had  it 
been  brought  about  by  foreigners,  instead  of  our  own  coun- 
trymen ?  Surely  not. 

In  addition,  then,  to  all  the  other  absurdities  involved  in 
a  protective  tariff,  we  have  this,  namely :  our  own  coun- 
trymen may  injure  us  with  impunity,  but  foreigners  sJiaL 
not  be  allowed  to  do  us  good. 

These  observations  and  arguments  will  apply  with  equal 
force  to  all  other  products  of  labor. 

Let  legal  money  value  in  the  elements  of  nature  be 
abolished,  and  the  public  lands  made  free  to  actual  set- 
tlers ;  give  us  good  money — gold  and  silver, — nothing  else 


POLITICAL,    ECONOMY.  153 

is  money ;  give  us  no  special  privileges,  and  the  American 
people  need  no  other  protection. 

The  American  capitalist  has  many  advantages  over  the 
European,  with  which  he  ought  to  be  satisfied  :  he  might 
pay  much  higher  wages,  and  make  greater  profits  than  the 
foreign  capitalist ;  because, 

First.  The  interest  of  the  British  Funded  Debt  amounts 
to  three  hundred  million  dollars,  which  must  be  paid  an- 
nually :  the  capitalist  must  pay  his  portion. 

Second.     Cheaper  land. 

Third.     Cheaper  provisions. 

Fourth.    The  absence  of  a  king  and  a  hereditary  nobility 

With  all  these  advantages  he  is  not  satisfied, — not  ever 
when  government  has  given  him,  by  act  of  special  legis 
lation,  in  addition,  thirty  per  cent.     And  yet  these  cormo- 
rants are  not  satisfied;  the  everlasting  cry  is,  "give  us 
more — give  us  more  !" 

Of  all  the  contrivances  invented  by  the  cupidity  of  the 
gormandizing  capitalist,  for  the  purpose  of  relieving  the 
poor  man  of  the  fruits  of  his  toil,  none  appears  so  plau- 
sible, upon  its  mere  surface,  as  a  "protective  tariff;"  yet  it 
works  the  same  results  as  all  the  others :  it  concentrates 
the  wealth  of  the  country  into  the  hands  of  a  few,  produ- 
cing over-abundance  and  satiety,  on  the  one  hand — po- 
verty, wretchedness  and  degradation,  on  the  other ;  and,  in 
the  language  of  the  cold-hearted,  short-sighted  capitalist, 
"promotes  the  prosperity  of  the  country" 

Now,  fellow  working  men, — you  that  make  all  the  wealth 
of  the  world, — remember  these  things  when  you  go  to  the 
ballot-boxes — give  your  vote  for  "  a  free  soil  and  an  inalien- 
able homestead" 

After  recapitulating  the  subject,  we  find  that  the  follow- 
ing absurdities  are  involved  in  a  "protective  tariff:" 

First.  It  gives  power  to  the  few,  who  are  the  rich,  to 
tax  the  many,  who  are  poor. 

Second.  It  causes  things  to  cost  more  labor  or  money 
than  is  necessary  to  produce  them. 

Third.  It  is  injuring  ourselves  willingly,  because  others 
are  injured  forcibly,  on  the  ground  of  retaliation. 

Fourth.     It  decreases  the  revenue  of  a  country. 

Fifth.     It  produces  a  profitable  loss  to  the  country. 

Sixth.  It  prevents  foreigners  from  doing  us  good,  while 
our  own  countrymen  are  allowed  to  injure  us. 


154  WORKING  MAN'S 

Seventh.  It  makes  the  products  of  labor  dear,  while 
the  combined  energies  of  the  people  are  engaged  in  ma- 
king them  cheap. 

In  lieu  of  the  above  bundle  of  absurdities,  the  following 
is  proposed  as  the  only  just  principle  of 

AMEEICAN   PROTECTION  I 

A  free  soil  for  a  free  people,  and  an  inalienable  home- 
stead/or all.  Producers  of  wealth,  let  these  be  your  watch- 
words; and  thus  head  your  tickets  at  the  ballot-boxes. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  155 

** 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

REBELLION. 

"Rebellion!  thou  demon  of  darkness! 

Avaunt !  stand  back !  hie  to  thy  fitting  abode 

Beneath  the  blood-stained  throne,  where  thou  belongest. 

In  a  land  where  rights  are  equal,  thou  hast 

No  calling. 

Thou  wouldst  quickly  starve  to  death. 

There  is  no  blood  for  thee  to  feed  upon ; 

*****         Therefore,  begone!" 

WILL  men  rebel  against  a  government  that  protects  them 
in  their  rights,  promotes  their  happiness,  and  does  them 
justice?  Never.  Neither  can  the  people  rebel  against 
themselves. 

The  following  beautiful  morccau  not  long  since  appeared 
in  many  of  our  public  prints,  without  a  comment,  and 
written  by  an  American  for  the  edification  of  a  people 
professing  to  recognize  the  principles  of  equal  rights.  ..  We 
shall  review  it  as  we  pass  along.  Here  it  is  : 

"THE  PLAGUE  OF  HOUSEKEEPERS. 

"  '  Help,'  as  English  Trollopes  say  we  call  all  domestic  servants, 
is  a  sore  source  of  trouble  to  housekeepers  throughout  the  free 
States. 

"  Major  Noah,  in  his  last '  Messenger,'  has  one  of  his  character- 
istic editorials  on  this  subject.  Says  he  : 

"  We  have  found  out  the  secret  why  servants  plague  the  mistress 
of  the  house  almost  to  death,  and  why  a  first  rate  waiting  girl  in 
England  makes  a  most  indifferent  servant  in  America,  viz :  the  free- 
dom of  our  institutions,  which  not  only  applies  to  all  callings  and 
occupations,  but  are  assumed  by  all ;  and  all  become  infected  with 
liberty  and  equality  the  moment  they  touch  our  soil.  The  'largest 
liberty '  was  not  understood  by  our  revolutionary  fathers  to  extend 
beyond  political  rights,  and  was  not  remotely  intended  to  break 
down  the  barriers  of  society.  In  England,  a  man  will  hire  a  groom 
at  a  smaller  salary,  if  you  give  him  a  handsome  livery;  in  this 


J56  WORKING    MAN    S 

country,  you  must  increase  your  wages,  if  you  wish  your  groom  to 
wear  livery  at  all.  This  doctrine  was  exemplified  recently  in  a 
family  advertising  for  a  woman  who  could  make  herself  generally 
yseful;  and  among  a  number  of  applicants  was  an  exceedingly  pre- 
possessing looking  girl,  neatly  dressed,  with  a  handsome,  open  coun- 
tenance and  ruddy  complexion — a  taking  face,  as  we  may  call  it. 
The  lady  said — 

" '  You  are  an  English  girl,  I  believe?' 

"  'Yes,  ma'am — just  arrived.  Only  been  in  the  city  two  days; 
have  no  acquaintance  at  all,  and  only  wish  to  go  to  church  Sunday 
afternoons.' 

"  'You  have  a  recommendation,  I  suppose?' 

"  '  Yes,  ma'am — a  seven  years'  character,  and  a  recommendation 
from  our  minister.' 

"  The  documents  being  read,  and  all  found  genuine  and  satisfac- 
tory, the  lady  asked  what  wages  she  would  expect. 

"  ' Why,  ma'am,  the  stewardess  on  board  ship  told  me  to  ask 
seven  dollars  a  month.  I  had  in  London  nine  pounds  a  year.' 

"  '  Why,  that  is  scarcely  four  dollars  a  month.  Now  I  am  wil- 
ling to  give  six  dollars,  provided  you  would  suit  me.  Having  lived 
so  long  in  one  place,  you  can  remember  what  kind  of  work  was 
required  of  you?' 

**  'Oh,  yes,  ma'am,  I  was  maid  of  all  work.' 

"  'Indeed!  Let  me  hear  what  was  required  of  you.'  " 

Then  follows  a  long  string  of  duties  enumerated  by  the 
girl,  not  necessary  to  insert  here;  after  which  the  lady 
asks — 

"  *  And  did  you  get  through  with  all  this  work?' 

"'All,  ma'am.' 

"  '  Well,  if  you  do  but  half  as  much  for  me,  I  shall  be  satisfied. 
You  can  come  to-morrow.' 

"  At  the  end  of  a  month,  we  asked  the  lady  after  her  'maid  of 
all  work.' 

"  '  Oh,  she  went  away  in  a  fortnight — said  this  was  a  free  coun- 
try, and  she  could  not  work  herself  to  death.'  " 

Then  follows  the  remarks  of  the  editor  of  the  Cincinnati 
Chronicle,  in  the  following  words : 

"  This  is  the  history  of  all  servants.  They  arrive  here  with 
every  required  qualification— courteous,  willing  and  valuable  ;  but 
they  soon  become  corrupted  by  example,  and  are  taught  rebellion 
by  their  associates,  and  liberty  and  equality  by  their  colleagues  of 
the  kitchen  and  pantry.  There  are  but  few  families  in  this  country 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  157 

who  keep  a  girl  two  or  three  years;  whereas,  in  England,  ten  5  ears 
is  no  uncommon  period  for  a  servant  to  remain  in  one  place.  We 
know  of  no  remedy  to  correct  the  evil." 

We  have  shown,  in  this  work,  that  the  aristocracy  of  the 
civilized  world  have  concocted  and  put  into  operation  a 
plan  or  system,  by  means  of  which  the  rich  can  keep  their 
poor  brethren  in  perpetual  bondage,  poverty  and  misery, 
and  finally  starve  them  to  death ;  and  all  this  in  accordance 
with  religion,  morality  and  virtue.  But  if  the  poor  do  but 
speak  of  liberty,  or  of  equal  rights,  it  is  rebellion  and  trea- 
son !  Producers  of  wealth,  do  you  understand  this?  If 
you  do  not,  it  is  high  time  for  you  to  look  into  the  matter. 

Is  it  so,  that  those  who  starve  their  fellow  men  to  death, 
are  good  and  virtuous,  and  those  that  contend  for  equal 
rights,  are  rebels  and  traitors  ?  Does  religion  and  morality 
teach  this  ?  Surely  not.  Is  it  a  virtue  for  the  rich  to  rob 
the  poor,  and  a  crime  for  the  poor  to  rob  the  rich? 

Now  for  the  Major — the  great  Major  Noah.  He  says 
that  all  foreigners  become  "infected  with  liberty  and  equal- 
ity, the  moment  they  touch  our  soil."  Oh,  horrible  !  what 
a  loathsome  disease  to  catch ;  and  people  of  all  callings 
and  occupations  catch  it !  How  sinful,  how  criminal,  to 
be  infected  with  the  ideas  of  liberty  and  equality  !  Did 
not  the  Major  imbibe  the  infection  himself?  It  is  in  ex- 
treme bad  taste  for  the  Major  to  be  so  selfish.  Again,  the 
gentleman  says  :  "  In  England,  a  man  will  hire  a  groom  at 
a  smaller  salary,  if  you  give  him  a  handsome  livery ;  in 
this  country,  you  must  increase  his  wages,  if  you  wish  your 
groom  to  wear  livery  at  all."  Well,  is  it  in  any  way  sur- 
prising that  a  man  should  want  to  be  pretty  well  paid  for 
deliberately  putting  on  a  badge  of  servitude  and  degrada- 
tion ?  Not  at  all.  He  ought  to  insist  on  at  least  a  thou- 
sand dollars  a  year,  for  submitting  to  the  indignity.  The 
Major  himself,  we  think,  would  not  do  it  for  that  sum,  nor 
for  all  Grand  Island  to  boot. 

"  We  know  of  no  remedy  to  correct  these  evils,"  says  the 
editor  of  the  Chronicle.  Let  the  gentleman  learn  to  re- 
spect the  rights  and  feelings  of  his  fellow  human  beings  ; 
let  him  consider,  that,  although  some  may  be  servants, 
they  are  still  human  beings,  capable  of  suffering  pain  and 
of  enjoying  pleasure  like  himself;  that  we  are  all  children 
if  one  common  parent,  having,  naturally,  the  same  rights 


158  .WORKING    MAN'S 

and  responsibilities.  It  therefore  behooveth  him,  as  a  good 
Christian,  to  treat  his  servants  kindly,  and  unto  the  father- 
less be  a  father ;  never  forgetting  that  servants,  as  well  as 
others,  will  remain  longest  with  those  who  use  them  best. 
That  celebrated  Christian  moral  philosopher,  the  Rev 
Dr.  Paley,  in  his  "  Moral  Philosophy,"  says : 

"  Our  obligations  to  our  servants  are  much  greater  than  theirs  are 
to  us.  It  is  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  rich  man  maintains  his 
tradesmen,  servants,  tenants  and  laborers;  the  truth  is,  they  main- 
tain him.  It  is  their  industry  which  supplies  his  table,  furnishes 
his  wardrobe,  builds  his  houses,  adorns  his  equipage,  and  provides 
his  amusements.  It  is  not  the  estate,  but  the  labor  employed  upon 
it.  that  pays  his  rent.  All  that  he  does  is  to  distribute  [and  con- 
sume] what  others  produce." 

Here,  then,  is  authority  which  ought  not  to  be  despised 
nor  rejected ;  and  may  the  gentleman  learn  wisdom  from 
the  lesson :  do  unto  others  as  he  would  that  others  should 
do  unto  him. 

In  the  Cincinnati  Chronicle  of  October  14th,  1845,  will 
be  found  an  account  of  the  World's  Convention,  held  in 
New  York  in  the  same  year,  from  which  we  will  make  a 
few  extracts  for  the  edification  of  National  Reformers  and 
the  working  classes  generally.  The  modest  editor  thus 
remarks : 

"  The  World's  Convention !  what  a  sonorous  name !  One  would 
think  the  mountains  would  bow  their  heads  to  listen,  and  the  little 
streams  run  mad  to  meet  them.  Well,  what  do  you  think  the 
World's  Convention  is?  About  one  hundred  and  fifty  persons, 
with  Robert  Owen  at  their  head,  every  man  of  whom  might  fairly 
be  mistaken  for  escaped  madmen.  [How  amiable,  how  charitable, 
how  profound!]  Now  we  notice  them  in  order  to  give  our  readers 
an  [erroneous]  idea  of  what  sort  of  people  they  are,  and  what  sort, 
of  reformation  they  propose  to  mankind.  Take  the  following  from 
the  proceedings : 

"  'Mr.  Evans,  of  the  National  Reformers  and  Anti-Renters,  after 
stating  divers  principles,  the  gist  of  his  statement  was  in  the  follow- 
ing items: 

' i  18.  Constitutions  and  laws  are  binding  only  when  in  accord- 
ance with  natural  rights.  [Just  so  thought  the  heroes  of  1776.] 

"  « 19.  The  master-evil,  in  all  nations  called  civilized  the  main 
cause  of  poverty  and  its  consequences,  ignorance,  misery  and  crime, 
the  sole  cause  of  slavery  of  every  grade,  is  the  monopoly  of  the 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  159 

soil;  and  the  leading  measure  of  practical  reform,  in  ail  these 
countries,  is  a  restoration  of  the  land  to  the  people  by  political  ac- 
tion, or,  in  failure  of  that,  by  revolution. 

•'  *  20.  The  United  States  of  North  America  are  most  favorably 
circumstanced  for  a  restoration  of  the  soil ;  and  the  most  practical 
measures  for  this  purpose  are,  first,  to  limit  the  quantity  of  land  to 
be  hereafter  acquired  by  individuals  or  associations ;  and  second, 
to  prevent  all  further  traffic  in  land  by  the  government,  and  to  make 
the  public  lands  free,  on  the  principle  proposed  by  the  National  Re- 
form Association  and  its  Auxiliaries  throughout  the  United  States.' " 

The  editor  then  says : 

"  These  principles  might  be  stated  in  a  briefer  form,  thus  : 

"  1 .  Laws  are  never  binding  when  a  savage  chooses  to  break 

them.     [Instance,  the  savage  heroes  of  1776.] 

"2.  The  leading  measure  of  reform  is  to   commence  by  a 

WHOLESALE  ROBBERY  of  every  man  who  owns  lands." 

Now,  candid  reader,  is  there  a  sentiment  anything  like 
this,  even  by  the  utmost  stretch  of  implication,  in  the  ar- 
ticle quoted  by  himself,  and  of  which  the  above  is  his  tra- 
vesty? But  the  strangest  part  of  the  business  is,  that  this 
editor  wishes  to  be  considered  a  man  of  truth  and  veracity. 
Rather  a  curious  way  he  has  of  making  such  an  impres- 
sion upon  the  minds  of  his  readers.  The  language  he  him- 
self makes  use  of  in  regard  to  the  persons  composing  the 
World's  Convention,  is  extremely  applicable  to  himself. 
This  very  editor  "might  fairly  be  taken  for  an  escaped 
madman."  "  We  thus  notice  "  him,  "  in  order  to  give  our 
readers  "  a  correct  "  idea  of  what  sort  of"  a  gentleman  he 
is.  The  '  gentleman '  goes  on  with  his  travesty,  thus  : 

"  The  United  States  of  North  America  are  very  favorably  cir- 
cumstanced for  the  commencement  of  this  wholesale  robbery. 

"  These  are  certainly  plain  and  frank  propositions.  [But  the  tra- 
vesty a  shameful  misrepresentation.]  This  society  of  thieves  could 
not  have  stated  them  plainer,  and,  it  is  probable,  would  not  have 
been  more  honest." 

Such,  then,  is  a  sample  of  the  honest  integrity  of  an 

editor  of  a  public  paper,  and  such  his  lessons  of  moral 

teaching.     "  The  utmost  charity  that  can  be  extended  to  " 

such  teachers,  "  is,  that        v  are  greater  blGcJiiieaojs  than 

1J 


160  WORKING  MAN'S 

they  are  knaves.  The  utmost  sympathy  which  they  can 
demand,  is,  that  they  should  be  placed  under  the  curative 
treatment  of  disordered  minds." 

And  so  it  is  :  those  self-styled  friends  of  law  and  order 
may  rob  the  poor,  the  ignorant,  the  weak  and  defenceless, 
of  the  elements  of  nature,  and  of  the  fruits  of  their  labor 
and  toil — reduce  them  to  beggary,  and,  finally,  starve  them 
to  death,  and  yet  be  patterns  of  piety,  lovers  of  justice, 
and  entitled  to  honor  and  respect ; — while,  if  the  poor — 
their  oppressed  and  plundered  victims — do  but  endeavor 
to  devise  a  plan  for  the  purpose  of  effecting  a  restoration 
of  their  long-lost  rights  to  a  free  use  of  the  elements,  and 
the  ownership  of  the  fruits  of  their  own  labor,  they  are 
stigmatized  as  villains,  traitors,  rebels,  thieves  and  robbers. 
Those  self-styled  friends  of  law  and  order  may  rest  assured 
that  their  days  are  numbered ;  the  end  01  their  power  and 
influence  is  at  hand ;  they  must  shortly  mend  their  ways, 
or  give  place  to  other  and  better  men  ;  themselves  pass  to 
the  shades  of  oblivion,  and  be  numbered  with  the  things 
that  were. 

Producers  of  wealth,  it  is  for  you  to  decide  who  are  the 
greatest  thieves  and  robbers :  those  who  have  deprived 
you  of  God's  elements,  and  stripped  you  of  the  fruits  of  }rour 
industry,  thereby  making  you  beggars  and  paupers,  or  you 
who  suffer  the  injustice.  How  long  will  you  suffer  your- 
selves to  be  cajoled  and  flattered  by  the  cant  and  hypo- 
crisy of  your  money-serving,  false  moral  teachers  ?  Do  you 
not  know  that  if  a  man  is  stolen  from  his  land,  he  becomes 
a  slave  ?  and  if  the  land  is  stolen  from  the  man,  he  becomes 
equally  one  ?  Do  you  not  know,  that  you  have  the  same 
right  to  the  free  use  of  the  soil  as  you  have  to  breathe  the 
atmosphere,  or  enjoy  the  light  and  heat  from  the  sun? 
Whoever  has  the  right  to  make  merchandise  of  the  earth, 
has  an  equal  right  to  buy  and  sell  your  body  ;  and,  without 
the  free  use  of  the  soil,  no  man  can  possibly  exist  a  free- 
man. Come,  then,  producers  of  wealth — wake  up,  organ- 
ize your  forces,  march  boldly  up  to  the  ballot-boxes,  and 
strike  the  mighty  blow :  make  the  public  lands  free,  and 
every  man's  homestead  inalienable,  and  half  your  work 
of  reform  is  done. 

We  conclude  this  chapter  with  a  quotation  from  the  Cin- 
cinnati Chronicle,  as  before  mentioned ;  first  premising  that 
many  good  men  think  that  the  editor  stands  about  as  pro- 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  161 

minent  in  the  world  as  he  considers  "  The  World's  Conven- 
tion" did.     At  the  commencement  of  his  article,  he  says : 

"  Small  [men  or]  things  in  this  globe  sometimes  make  as  much 
noise  as  great  ones,  as  every  one  knows  who  has  had  a  gnat  about 
his  head  in  a  summer  night.  It  is  not  what  these  little  ones  do,  so 
much  as  what  they  say,  that  is  annoying  or  troublesome.  Pat,  an 
Irishman,  was  one  night  abusing  the  musquitoes.  Some  one  said 
he  was  surprised  that  he  should  care  so  much  about  a  musquito  bite. 
4  Faith,'  says  Pat,  *  an'  it  isn't  I  that  cares  about  the  bite,  if  they 
didn't  brag  so  much.'  So  it  is  with  the  modern  as  well  as  the  an- 
cient pretenders  to  superior  wisdom  [and  moral  excellence.]  They 
never  do  anything  [good,]  but  they  brag  so  loud  that  we  are  obliged 
to  hear  them." 

Producers  of  wealth,  let  those  little  fellows  bite  and  brag 
on.  Heed  them  not.  Let  them  brand  you  as  "rebels, 
traitors,  thieves  and  robbers ;"  it  is  nothing  but  what  you 
may  expect.  It  is  consoling  to  reflect,  however,  that  their 
little  venomous  bills  are  being  extracted  by  the  dexterous 
hand  of  Truth,  and,  ere  long,  will  become  as  harmless  as 
young  lambs  or  sucking  doves.  Let  them  have  their  way, 
— they  can  do  us  no  harm  nor  themselves  any  good,  by  the 
methods  they  have  adopted  to  prevent  the  progress  of  "  Na- 
tional Reform." 

To  be  sure,  those  little  fellows — the  guardians  of  public 
morals — do  not  always  write  nonsense.  As  an  instance, 
the  very  best  advice,  and  the  proper  course  for  "  National 
Reformers"  to  pursue,  is  correctly  laid  down  in  a  number 
of  the  very  paper  which  stigmatizes  them  as  "  thieves  and 
robbers."  It  is  as  follows  : 

"  Perform  fearlessly  what  you  believe  to  be  right.  Never  mind 
the  opposition  made  by  your  enemies  :  they  cannot  har  you.  The 
thrusts  of  those  who  hate  or  envy  you,  will  never  hurt  you  if  you 
are  faithful  to  your  duty.  Let  truth,  justice  and  integrity,  be  on 
your  side,  and  you  may  resist  a  host :  with  these,  one  may  chase  a 
thousand,  and  two  can  put  ten  thousand  to  flight." 

In  this  chapter  it  has  been  clearly  shown,  that  for  the 
poor  to  endeavor  to  devise  a  plan  by  which  they  may  ob- 
tain justice,  is  treason  and  rebellion  ! — but  when  the  rich 
devise  a  plan  to  starve  the  poor  to  death,  it  accords  with 
religion  and  morality ! 


162  WORKING     MAN    S 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

HOUSE    RENT. 

VERY  few  persons  indeed  are  aware  of  the  unjust  and 
oppressive  nature  of  house  rest.  If  you  buy  a  coat,  a  hat 
or  a  pair  of  shoes,  you  pay  for  them  but  once ;  you  have 
the  pleasure  of  wearing  them  out  or  of  disposing  of  them, 
at  all  times,  as  you  please.  Not  so  with  a  house.  Sup- 
pose you  engage  a  hatter  to  make  you  a  hat  to  cost  six 
dollars,  and  which  would  last  you  one  year.  Suppose,  fur- 
ther, if,  on  going  for  your  hat,  you  could  not  pay  the  whole 
amount  down,  and  the  hatter  should  offer  to  "  accommo- 
date" you  with  the  use  of  the  hat,  on  the  following  condi- 
tions, viz  :  to  pay  him  twenty-five  cents  per  week,  or  one 
dollar  per  month,  for  the  use  of  the  hat,  and  at  the  end  of 1 
the  year  return  it  to  him,  be  it  good  or  bad.  You  would, 
no  doubt,  think  it  a  very  strange  kind  of  proposition.  But 
't  is  not  half  so  extravagant  as  the  conditions  imposed  by 
a  landlord  upon  his  tenants.  At  twenty-five  cents  per 
week,  the  hat  would  amount  to  thirteen  dollars ;  at  fifty 
cents  per  month,  only  twelve  dollars :  double  the  cost  price 
of  the  hat.  But,  in  the  case  of  a  house,  the  discrepancy 
Between  the  cost  price  of  the  thing,  and  the  amount  ac- 
tually paid  for  the  use  of  it,  is  much  greater. 

Many  houses  rent  for  five  hundred  dollars  a  year,  that 
have  not  cost  more  than  two  thousand  five  hundred  dol- 
lars. All  are  aware  of  this.  Now,  about  two  per  cent, 
on  the  original  cost  will  keep  a  well-built  house  in  good 
repair  at  least  sixty  years,  and,  at  the  end  of  that  time, 
will  still  be  a  house  having  some  value ;  and,  in  a  good 
business  place,  if  sold,  would  bring  twice,  perhaps  three 
times  the  amount  of  money  it  cost,  originally,  to  build  it. 
Five  hundred  dollars  a  year,  in  sixty  years,  will  amount  to 
thirty  thousand.  And  this  sum  will  build  twelve  houses 
equally  as  good  as  the  one  that  thirty  thousand  dollars  has 
been  paid  for  the  use  of!  You  see  this  is  six  times  more 
extravagant  than  the  case  of  the  hat — the  hatter  getting 
but  two  hats  for  the  use  of  one,  while  the  landlord  gets 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY. 

twelve  houses  for  the  use  of  one.  There  must  be  some 
great  error  somewhere,  or  such  results  could  not  be  ef- 
fected. The  thing  is  too  glaringly  absurd ;  because  no- 
thing— neither  a  hat,  nor  a  house,  nor  a  dollar — can  ever 
be  worth  more  than  itself.  The  just  rent  for  the  use  of 
anything,  is  an  equivalent  for  whatever  portion  is  used  or 
consumed  by  him  that  uses  it — no  more.  Anything  de- 
manded beyond  this,  is  tyranny,  oppression,  cannibalism. 
And  if  the  laws  making  legal  value  in  the  elements  were 
abolished,  and  all  men  were  alike  free  to  compete  with 
each  other  on  perfectly  equal  grounds,  such  instances  of 
injustice  and  tyranny  (keeping  the  aggregate  in  view,) 
could  never  be  effected;  because,  the  elements  being 
equally  free  to  the  use  of  all,  no  man  would  submit  to  the 
imposition.  At  least  one-half  of  the  money  paid  in  the 
form  of  house  rent,  is  predicated  on  the  money  value  of 
the  land;  which  might  as  well  be  predicated  upon  the  at- 
mosphere, or  the  rays  of  the  sun.  Abolish,  therefore,  the 
legal  money  value  of  the  elements,  and  one-half  the 
tyranny  and  oppression  of  the  world  will  at  once  cease. 

We  do  affirm,  and  that,  too,  without  fear  of  refutation, 
that  the  grand  source  of  all  the  evils  of  which  the  pro- 
ducers of  wealth  have  any  just  cause  of  complaint,  arises 
chiefly  from  the  practice  of  governments  in  confounding 
the  elements  of  Nature  with  the  products  of  human  labor, 
and  by  legalizing  traffic  in  the  elements  alone,  especially 
in  land  and  human  flesh.  It  is  the  immediate  cause  of 
Slavery  in  all  its  forms,  and  has  filled  the  world  with 
crime  and  confusion.  Furthermore,  we  affirm  that  the 
capital  of  the  world  never  could  have  been  accumulated 
into  the  few  hands  it  is,  but  by  the  mighty  power  and  in- 
fluence of  LAND  MONOPOLY.  This  is  the  grand  lever  by 
which  it  has  been  accomplished.  Let  the  removal  of  this 
bane  of  human  happiness,  be  the  first  object  to  engage 
the  attention  of  "National  Reformers,"  in  their  march  of 
progress,  and  millions  yet  unborn  will  have  abundant  cause 
to  rejoice  in  their  victory 


)54 


THE    TEMPERANCE    CAUSE. 


It  appears  by  the  "  Temperance  Papers,"  that  a  move- 
ment is  being  made  among  the  friends  of  Temperance,  to 
combine  their  influence  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  law 
making  the  sale  of  ardent  spirits  criminal,  on  the  ground 
of  its  being  destructive  to  human  life  and  happiness.  We  are 
not  in  the  least  disposed  to  controvert  the  position  assumed 
by  those  gentlemen,  and  not  doubting  but  that  the  desire 
to  do  it  arises  from  the  purest  feelings  of  humanity,  phi- 
lanthropy and  benevolence.  But  have  they  duly  consid- 
ered to  what  the  introduction  of  such  a  principle  would 
lead?  They  surely  would  not  stop  at  that  point,  but 
would  be  consistent,  and  go  on.  Ail  those  who  have  ex- 
amined the  subject,  are  convinced  that  where  the  use  of 
ardent  spirits  destroys  the  happiness  and  life  of  one  human 
being,  Land  Monopoly  destroys  thousands.  And  at  this  mo- 
ment the  "Land  Gods'''  of  Europe  are  starving  the  people 
to  death  by  millions.  And,  therefore,  if  it  be  criminal  to 
buy  and  sell  ardent  spirits,  to  buy  and  sell  land  must  be  a 
thousand  times  more  so.  Now,  if  the  gentlemen  above 
alluded  to  intend  to  carry  out  the  proposed  measure,  let 
them  be  consistent — make  it  criminal  to  sell  land,  as  well 
as  ardent  spirits,  and  not  "  strain  at  a  gnat  and  swallow  a 
camel." 

There  is  another  point  which  is  worthy  of  consideration 
about  this  matter,  and  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be  denied,  that 
a  great  portion  of  those  who  ruin  themselves  and  families  by 
the  use  of  ardent  spirits — perhaps  nine  out  of  every  ten — are 
directly  or  indirectly  driven  or  tempted  into  the  practice  by 
the  influence  of  "Land  Monopoly,"  by  allowing  some  to  spend 
their  time  in  idle  uselessness,  and  are  thereby  tempted  to 
dissipation,  Satan  always  finding  mischief  for  idle  hands 
to  do;  while  many  others  are  driven  to  the  bottle  by  a 
keen  sensibility  of  their  hard  and  toilsome  lot,  and  desti- 
tute condition,  brought  upon  them  by  the  stony  heart  and 
iron  hand  of  pauper-making  "  Land  Monopoly" 

Let  us  all,  therefore,  reflect  deeply  upon  these  things, 
and  if  we  come  to  the  conclusion  that  there  is  wisdom  in 
making  it  criminal  to  sell  ardent  spirits,  there  will  be  much 
more  wisdom  in  making  it  criminal  to  sell  land ;  which  all 
men  have  the  same  right  to  use,  that  they  have  the  atmos- 
phere, without  money  and  without  price 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  165 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


A  WORK  bearing  the  above  title,  published  by  Josiah 
Warren,  New  Harmony,  Indiana,  has  lately  appeared  be- 
fore the  public.  The  work  professes  to  be,  "  A  new  de- 
velopment of  principles  for  the  harmonious  adjustment 
and  regulation  of  the  pecuniary,  intellectual  and  moral 
intercourse  of  mankind,  proposed  as  elements  of  new  so- 
ciety." The  author  of  this  work,  and  myself,  appear  to 
have  the  same  object  in  view,  namely,  to  show  the  means 
by  which  the  producers  of  wealth  may  secure  to  them- 
selves the  free  use  of  the  elements,  and  the  products  of 
their  own  labor,  or  their  equivalents.  I  feel  it,  therefore, 
a  duty  I  owe  to  my  fellow  men,  to  take  some  notice  of  his 
work. 

If  Mr.  Warren  has  solved  the  whole  problem  of  man's 
*  moral,  social,  and  political  relations,  then  my  remarks  will 
be  supererogatory.  But  if  he  has  not,  and  I  should  be  so 
fortunate  as  to  throw  some  light  upon  the  subject,  I  shall 
consider  myself  as  amply  rewarded  by  the  reflection,  that 
my  humble  efforts  have  not  been  exercised  in  vain.  I  dis- 
claim all  desire  or  intention  of  injuring  Mr.  Warren,  my 
only  object  being  a  development  of  truth ;  and  of  this, 
surely,  the  gentleman  will  not  complain,  especially  when 
he  considers  that  we  are  both  engaged  in  the  same  righteous 
cause.  He  must,  therefore,  consider  me  not  as  an  enemy, 
but  as  a  friendly  co-worker.  Let  all  persons  read  both 
sides ;  then  judge  for  themselves,  as  I  am  perfectly  willing 
these  observations  may  go  for  what  they  are  worth :  truth, 
being  stronger  than  error,  will,  therefore,  prevail. 

I  cheerfully  indorse  all  that  Mr.  Warren  has  said  in  re-. 
gard  to  governments  having  utterly  failed  to  accomplish 
the  end  they  have  pretended  to  have  had  in  view,  namely, 
the  security  of  person  and  property — the  history  of  go- 
vernments in  general  being  but  the  history  of  the  legal 
methods  of  committing  the  most  glaring  outrages  and  vio- 
lations of  right  and  justice.  Money,  also,  in  consequence 


1  66  W  O  R  K  I  N  G     M  A  N  '  3 

of  being  accumulated  in  the  hands  of  the  few,  has  been 
converted  into  a  terrible  engine  of  tyranny  and  oppression. 
This,  no  one  will  deny.  In  order  to  cast  off  the  shackles 
imposed  upon  us  by  tlie  means  of  government  and  money, 
Mr.  Warren  proposes  to  reject  and  disregard  both,  which 
is  as  impossible  to  do,  as  it  is  to  refuse  to  breathe  the  at- 
mosphere which  surrounds  us.  Nothing  would  please  dis- 
honest law-makers  and  public  rulers  better,  than  for  the 
honest  producers  to  become  disgusted  with  the  use  of  the 
ballot-box,  and  permit  their  lordships  to  do  all  the  voting. 
This  is  the  very  thing  they  want ;  and,  to  prove  this,  let 
the  reader  turn  to  Judge  Hall's  address,  page  51  of  this 
work.*  But  for  the  producers  to  do  this,  would  be  as  in- 
judicious as  would  a  shepherd  who  should  draw  oif  his 
sturdy  watch  dogs  from  guarding  his  flock  of  sheep,  when 
he  knew,  at  the  same  time,  that  a  gang  of  hungry  wolves 
were  watching  for  a  favorable  moment  to  iall  upon  and 
destroy  them.  No,  no,  producers  of  wealth ;  in  the  ballot- 
box  lies  your  only  hope.  To  attempt  to  step  aside  from 
the  influence  of  government,  would  be  as  inconsistent  as 
an  individual  who,  having  in  Eis  house  a  set  of  .lawless 
rowdies,  tearing  and  breaking  his  property  to  pieces,  should 
say  to  them, — Gentlemen,  I  insist  on  individual  sovereignty, 
and  therefore  have  the  sole  right  to  control  my  own  per- 
son and  property,  and  will  not  submit  to  your  injustice ; — 
then  creep  under  the  ced,  leaving  the  rowdies  a  clear  board. 

Shall  we  reject  the  use  of  money,  because  governments 
and  a  crafty  few  have  used  it  for  evil  purposes  ?  This  is 
a  strange  conclusion  to  come  to,  surely.  With  the  same 
propriety  we  might  reject  almost  everything  that  is  calcu- 
lated to  promote  the  happiness  of  man.  For  what  infa- 
mous purposes  have  governments  and  the  crafty  few  made 
use  of  iron,  in  the  form  of  warlike  implements;  by  the  use 
of  which,  men  have  been  set  to  butcher  each  other  by 
thousands  upon  thousands,  and  the  earth  made  to  flow  in 
rivers  of  blood?  yet  this  is  no  reason  why  we  should  re- 
ject the  use  of  it. 

Gold  and  silver,  like  all  other  substances,  are  capable  of 
being  used  for  good  or  for  evil ;  and,  so  soon  as  the  mass 
of  the  people  understand  the  real  nature  of  them,  they 
will  be  used  for  good,  and  the  happiness  and  well-being  of 
mankind  will  be  promoted  by  the  use  of  them ;  but  so  long 

*  Working  Man's  Political  Economy. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  167 

as  the  mass  are  ignorant  of  the  subject,  gold  and  silver 
will  be  made  use  of  by  the  crafty  few,  as  an  engine  of  ex- 
tortion, tyranny  and  oppression.  Mr.  Warren  says,  page  37 : 

"As  we  cannot  carry  flour,  shoes,  carpentering,  brick-work, 
store-keeping,  &c.,  about  with  us,  to  exchange  for  what  we  want, 
we  require  somsthing  which  represents  these,  which  representative 
we  can  always  carry  with  us.  This  representative  of  property 
should  be  our  circulating  medium.  Theorists  have  said  that  money 
was  this  representative,  but  it  is  not." 

Demagogues  have  told  us  that  it  is;  but  not  those  who 
understand  the  subject.  Further,  he  says : 

"A  dollar  represents  nothing  whatever  but  itself,  nor  can  it  be 
made  to.  At  no  time  is  it  any  demand  on  any  one  for  any  quan- 
tity of  any  kind  of  property  or  labor  whatever." 

Suppose  that,  instead  of  using  the  word  dollar,  we  say 
one  ounce  of  silver,  we  shall  understand  the  subject  better; 
then,  if  one  ounce  of  silver  is  at  no  time  a  demand  on  any 
one  for  property  or  labor,  neither  is  a  bushel  of  wheat. 
But  if  a  bushel  of  wheat  is  a  demand  for  as  much  labor 
as  it  costs  to  produce  it,  then  is  an  ounce  of  silver  a  de- 
mand for  as  much  labor  as  it  costs  to  produce  it,  both,  on 
an  average,  being  of  about  the  same  commercial  value. 
An  ounce  of  silver  is  the  embodiment  of  the  quantity  of 
labor  necessary  to  produce  it,  like  the  wheat  in  that  re- 
spect ;  but  the  silver,  being  much  less  weighty,  much  less 
bulky,  and  will  last  much  longer,  is,  therefore,  much  more 
convenient  to  carry  with  us,  instead  of  "  flour,  shoes,  car- 
pentering, brick-work,  store-keeping,  &c.,"  to  exchange 
for  other  products  of  labor.  An  ounce  of  silver  is  posi- 
tive  payment ;  it  is  not  necessary  to  inquire  who  is  the  is 
suer  of  it,  where  does  he  live,  what  is  his  character,  state 
of  his  health,  &c.,  which  would  be  the  case  when  we  re- 
ceive a  "  labor  note"  Neither  is  it  necessary  to  stamp  upon 
it — " Not  transferable"  Again  Mr.  Warren  says : 

"  At  one  time  a  dollar  [or  an  ounce  of  silver]  will  procure  two 
bushels  of  potatoes;  at  another  time*  three  bushels;  at  another 
time,  four.  It  has  no  definite  value  at  any  time." 

The  same  can  be  said  of  a  bushel  of  wheat;  it  will 


168  WORKING   MAN'S 

generally  purchase  from  three  to  four  bushels  of  potatoes, 
without  the  intervention  of  money ;  yet  I  have  seen  the 
time  when  a  bushel  of  wheat,  or  three  of  Indian  corn, 
would  not  purchase  one  bushel  of  potatoes ;  yet  the  farmer 
who  raised  and  sold  the  potatoes  at  this  high  price,  was 
not  so  well  paid  for  his  labor  as  when  he  got  but  one-fourth 
of  the  price,  or,  in  other  words,  one-fourth  the  quantity  of 
other  products  of  labor.  Therefore,  (according  to  Mr. 
Warren's  philosophy,)  a  bushel  of  wheat  "  represents  no- 
thing whatever  but  itself;  nor  can  it  be  made  to.  At  no  time 
is  it  any  demand  on  any  one  for  any  quantity  of  any  kind  of 
property  or  labor  whatever"  But  the  true  philosophy  in  re- 
gard to  this  matter  is  this :  A  bushel  of  wheat  is  the  em- 
bodiment of  the  quantity  of  la,bor  necessary  to  produce  it, 
and  it  is  precisely  the  same  thing  in  respect  to  an  ounce 
of  silver,  or  a  dollar.  Either  of  them,  therefore,  is  posi- 
tive payment  for  something  that  has  cost  the  same  amount 
of  labor;  not  a  promise,  obligation,  nor  representative;  but 
bona  fide  property,  each  in  its  peculiar  form,  and  are  justly 
equivalent  in  exchange  for  the  same  amount  of  property 
in  any  other  form.  The  idea  that  money  is  only  a  repre- 
sentative of  property,  is,  therefore,  a  delusion,  and  works 
more  mischief  and  confusion  in  the  affairs  of  mankind, 
perhaps,  than  any  other  error.  The  fluctuations  in  the 
commercial  value  of  the  various  products  of  labor,  arise 
from  various  causes,  and  which  mostly  exist  in  the  nature 
of  things,  and  although  may  be  considerably  counteracted 
by  intelligence,  prudence  and  foresight,  cannot,  perhaps, 
by  human  wisdom,  be  entirely  removed. 

Those  products  of  labor  which  are  most  liable  to  rot,  or 
destruction,  are,  in  direct  proportion,  subject  to  fluctuation, 
in  all  cases  where  the  demand  has  been  either  over  or 
under  supplied ;  and  this  consequence  cannot  be  prevented, 
whether  we  estimate  those  products  immediately  by  the 
quantity  of  labor  embodied  in  them,  or  remotely  by  money, 
which  retains,  without  loss,  to  a  much  greater  length  of 
time,  the  original  quantity  of  labor  bestowed  upon  its  pro- 
duction, than  any  other  thing. 

Gold  and  silver  having  the  natural  property  of  retaining 
the  quantity  of  labor  originally  invested  in  them  much 
longer  than  property  in  any  other  form,  is  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal reasons  why  they  are  a  more  appropriate  circulating 
medium,  than  any  other  thing,  notwithstanding  what  Mr. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  J6D 

Warren  says  to  the  contrary.  Neither  does  money  "re- 
present robbery,  banking,  gambling,  swindling,  counter- 
feiting, &c.,"  as  he  says,  than  does  "  a  labor  note,"  which 
is  a  thing  that  bears  ;he  suspicion  of  fraud  upon  the  very 
face  of  it,  and  is,  in  itself,  a  perfect  absurdity.  A  circula- 
ting medium  not  transferable!!  This  is  just  like  the  wagon 
a  man  made  "for  to  go,"  and  it  would  have  went  "for  to 
go"  if  the  maker  of  it  had  not  nailed  all  the  wheels  fast 
to  the  axle  trees.  Mr.  Warren  seems  not  to  be  aware 
that  all  the  products  of  labor  derive  their  exchangable 
value  from  the  quantity  of  labor  required  lo  produce  them 
— gold  and  silver  included — and  that  the  natural  tendency 
of  exchangable  value  (or  price)  is  to  gravitate  toward  the 
cost  of  production;  and  men  never  would  have  conducted 
their  exchanges  on  any  other  principle  ban  equal  amounts 
of  cost.  If  governments  had  not  mac^  private  property 
in  the  elements  legal,  nor  had  interfered  with  the  personal 
operations  of  individuals,  the  mere  instincts  of  Nature 
would  have  prevented  it.  All  this  I  have  fully  demon- 
strated, as  I  am  confident,  in  the  seventh  chapter  of  this 
work,  to  which  I  refe):  Mr.  Warren,  hoping  he  will  read  it 
carefully  and  critically ;  and  if  the  principles  there  laid 
down  are  not  agreeable  to  truth,  it  is  a  duty  he  owes  to 
the  public,  and  a  compliment  due  to  myself,  for  him  to  ex- 
pose and  make  manifest  the  errors  and  fallacies  thereof. 

At  page  76  of  his  work,  he  gives  "a  picture"  of  a  "  La- 
bor Note  "  the  first  line  of  which  reads  thus:  "Not  trans- 
ferable"; next,  the  following  mottoes:  "Cost,  the  limit  of 
Price,"  "  Labor  for  Labor"  Now,  this  is  only  saying  the 
same  thing  twice  over ;  but  is,  nevertheless,  the  announce- 
ment of  a  great  and  important  truth ;  and,  as  I  have  said 
before,  if  governments  had  not  usurped  the  ownership  of 
the  elements,  thereby  checking  the  natural  operation  of 
free  competition,  mankind  never  could  have  cond acted 
their  exchanges  on  any  other  principle, — it  is  the  natural, 
therefore  the  just,  no  matter  whether  they  had  used  money 
or  not.  History  informs  us,  that  the  original  intent  of 
stamping  money  was  merely  to  indicate  the  quantity  (by 
weight)  and  the  fineness  of  the  metal  composing  the  pieces, 
the  object  being  merely  to  save  the  time  and  labor  ne^es- 
sary  to  weigh  and  assay  it  every  time  it  changed  hauas. 

Next  on  the  note,  these  words  appear,  namely : 


170  WORKING    MAN'S 

"Due  the  bearer, •,  one  hour's,  labor  in  house  rent,  ot 

twenty  pounds  of  corn." 

In  regard  to  this  note,  Mr.  Warren  remarks — 

"  This  addition  to  the  note  enables  us  not  only  to  compare  one 
laboi  with  another,  but  it  gives  the  signer  of  it  an  alternative,  in 
case  it  is  not  convenient  for  him  to  give  his  labor  on  demand 
There  can  be  as  many  of  these  alternatives  (all  being  equal  in 
value,)  as  the  responsible  person  chooses  to  attach  to  his  note." 

Now,  the  whole  announcement  amounts  to  nothing  more 
than  this, — that  if  one  man  owes  another  a  debt,  and  it  is 
not  convenient  to  pay  in  his  own  services,  he  can  pay  in 
something  else  of  equal  value ;  that  is,  if  the  creditor  is 
willing  to  receive  it.  All  these  things  were  well  known 
long  before  the  invention  of  "  labor  notes  " ;  but  is  it  not 
strange  that  the  gentleman  would  exclude  from  the  "  alter- 
natives" gold  and  silver?  Surely  it  is;  especially  when 
we  consider  that  gold  or  silver  is  the  almost  everlasting 
embodiment  of  the  labor  necessary  to  produce  it,  and  is 
positive  payment,  while  a  "  Labor  Note"  is  payment  for 
nothing;  it  is  but  a  promise  to  pay,  at  some  future  time, 
if  the  drawer  happened  to  live  long  enough,  never  got 
sick,  and  was  perfectly  honest.  Truly,  the  ingenuity  and 
refinement  of  this  credit  system  beats  the  banking  system 
all  hollow ;  a  bank  note  at  least  being  transferable,  though, 
like  the  "  labor  note,"  it  is  payment  for  nothing;  and  the 
making  of  it  a  substitute  for  gold  and  silver,  as  a  circula- 
ting medium,  is  one  of  the  most  outrageous  violations  of 
right  and  justice  that  has  ever  "been  imposed  upon  poor 
credulous  man.  Mr.  Warren  says,  "  we  want  a  circulating 
medium  that  is  a  definite  representative  of  a  definite 
quantity  of  property."  Further,  he  tells  us  that  the  draw- 
er of  a  "  labor  note  "  may  insert  in  it  any  alternative  he 
chooses  (provided  they  are  equivalents.)  Now,  suppose 
he  should  insert  in  it,  "  at  one  time,  a  man ;  at  another,  a 
monkey;  then  a  gourd";  then  say  of  it,  "a  picture  that 
would  represent "  such  things,  "  would  be  just  as  legiti- 
mate and  fit  for  a  portrait,  as  a  "labor  note"  is  fit  for  a 
u  circulating  medium."  This  is  what  Mr.  Warren  says  of 
"common  money"  ;  but  the  logic  of  the  argument  is  much 
more  applicable  to  a  labor  promissory  note,  than  that 


F  O  L  r  T  I  C  A  L     ECONOMY.  171 

money  which  contains  within  itself,  everlastingly  embo- 
died, the  quantity  of  labor  originally  invested  in  it  and  is 
bona  fide  payment.  A  circulating  medium  having  the  last 
mentioned  property,  is  much  preferable  to  any  representa- 
tive whatever.  Mr.  Warren  proposes  that  labor  notes  be 
put  in  competivion  with  money,  and  thinks  that  they  will 
finally  supersede  the  use  of  it. 

This  will  take  place  when  people  discover  that  the  pro- 
mise of  a  thing  which  is  dependent  upon  various  contin- 
gencies, is  preferable  to  the  positive  possession  of  it,  and 
I  am  confident  the  skulls  of  the  people  are  too  thick  to  be 
susceptible  of  imbibing  such  a  transcendental  idea — it  is 
so  far  above  the  comprehension  of  common  minds.  So 
the  possessors  of  "  filthy  lucre "  need  not  be  alarmed  at 
fehe  sight  of  a  "  labor  note,"  the  mass  being  too  stupid  to 
take  advantage  of  its  own  wonderful  power  and  influence. 

Mr.  Warren  says,  page  73,  that  when  the  system  of 
Equitable  Commerce,  which  he  advocates,  is  put  into  ope- 
ration, such  a  power  will  be  started  into  existence,  which 
will  be  perfectly  irresistible,  and  that  all  the  deep-laid 
plans,  the  wordy  warfare,  and  the  bitterest  hostility  of  the 
strongest  opposers  of  reformation,  "must  become  as  chaff  be- 
fore the  wind"  &c.  Again,  same  page, — 

"No  one  can  sell  house  'ois  for  five  thousand  dollars,  while  any 
one  will  sell  them  of  equal  value  for  five  dollars." 

"No  one  can  sell  coffee  for  sixteen  cents  a  pound,  where  any 
one  will  sell  it  equally  good  for  ten  cents." 

"No  one  can  get  five  dollars  per  hour  for  \\Mting  the  sick,  when 
another,  whose  services  are  equally  valuable,  can  be  obtained  for 
an  equivalent." 

"  No  lawyer  can  get  a  hundred  dollars  per  hour,  when  another 
will  do  the  business  as  well  for  an  equal  amount  of  labor." 

Here  are  four  declarations,  the  truth  of  which  no  rational 
person  would  attempt  to  dispute, — they  are  all  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  which  govern  our  nature.  But  there 
is  another  side  to  this  subject;  and  here  follows  four  other 
declarations,  which  are  equally  true,  and  are  equally  in 
accordance  with  the  laws  which  govern  human  nature. 

First.  No  one  will  sell  house-lots  for  five  dollars  apiece, 
when  he  can  just  as  easily  get  five  thousand  for  the  same. 


172 

Second.  No  one  will  sell  coffee  for  ten  cents  a  pound, 
when  he  can  just  as  easily  get  sixteen  for  the  same. 

Third.  No  one  will  take  one  equivalent  for  an  hour's 
service,  when  he  can  just  as  easily  get  from  a  hundred  to 
a  thousand  for  the  same  amount  of  service. 

Fourth.  No  lawyer  will  take  an  equal  amount  of  labor 
in  exchange  for  his  own  cervices,  when  he  could  just  as 
easily  obtain  five  hundred  times  that  amount!  He  would 
be  an  idiot  if  he  did,  and  so  would  all  the  rest. 

Now,  is  it  possible  that  a  sane  individual  would  seriously 
make  such  a  strange  proposition  to  mankind?  The  pro- 
position lies  before  me,  in  the  book.  But  stranger  still  are 
the  inducements  held  out  to  draw  people  into  the  adoption 
of  these  arrangements. 

We  are  gravely  told  that  "  any  number,  of  any  profes- 
sion, (which  is  likely  to  be  wanted,)  can  be  qualified  in 
from  two  to  three  years."  And  what  is  the  reward  offered 
for  this  two  or  three  years'  expensive  devotion  to  intense 
study,  loss  of  time,  &c.?  He  shall  have  the  privilege  of  re- 
ceiving one  five-hundredth  part  of  the  reward  he  could  get  out- 
side tkis  enchanted  circle.  -Will  men  thus  make  martyrs  of 
themselves?  Experience  says  no,  most  emphatically. 

Where,  then,  is  that  great  army  of  martyrs  to  come  from, 
that  can  accomplish  the  result  contemplated  by  Mr.  War- 
ren? The  rich  can  never  have  a  motive  to  embrace  these 
arrangements;  the  poor  may;  but  where  is  the  necessary 
capital  to  come  from?  "Labor  notes"  are  not  capital. 
Capital  is  labor  already  performed,  and  condensed  into 
some  permanent  form.  But  a  labor  note  is  but  a  promise 
to  perform  some  labor  at  some  future  time,  dependent  on 
various  contingencies,  and,  therefore,  can  neither  do  the 
offices,  nor  enter  into  competition  with  capital,  no  more 
than  can  common  promissory  notes  payable  in  money. 

Let  the  reader  now  turn  back  and  examine  those  four 
pair  of  declarations,  which  are  all  true;  look  at  the  cans 
and  the  wills  in  deadly  array  against  each  other;  examine 
them  carefully  and  critically,  and  tell  us,  if  he  can,  by  what 
means  those  discordant  elements  can  be  amalgamated  and 
formed  into  a  system  that  will  carry  on  the  commercial 
concerns  of  mankind  successfully  and  harmoniously,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  shield  and  protect  the  down-trodden 
producer  from  the  overwhelming  and  oppressive  influence 
gf  money  and  governments,  even  supposing  it  to  be  only 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  173 

among  a  select  few,  determined  to  step  aside  from  general 
society,  and  agree  to  put  in  practice  the  labor  for  labor 
principle. 

We  shall,  perhaps,  be  told  that  such  a  result  can  be  ac- 
complished by  the  intervention  of  "labor  notes."  Let  us 
suppose  a  select  few  gather  themselves  within  a  certain 
circle,  but  surrounded  outside  by  vhe  worshippers  of  "  filthy 
lucre."  Let  them  issue  their  ..abor  notes ;  what  will  be  the 
consequence,  premising,  however,  that  no  one  is  pledged 
or  obligated  to  act,  in  any  particular  manner,  different 
from  what  their  interests  would  prompt  them,  all  being 
"independent  sovereigns"  ?  Now,  will  not  these  sovereigns 
act  like  other  men  ?  Surely  they  will.  Now,  suppose  one 
of  them  has  a  wife  or  child  taken  sick,  and  must  have  a 
nurse,  and  one  is  not  to  be  had  within  the  pale,  he  will, 
therefore,  be  obliged  to  get  one  from  among  the  Philistines. 
All  within  the  pale  having  a  sovereign  contempt  for  the 
use  of  money,  it  is  not  likely  any  money  could  be  had  to 
pay  the  nurse  with,  when  through  with  her  job.  Now, 
how  does  he  pay  her?  with  a  labor  note,  promising  to 
give  as  many  hours  of  his  own  labor  as  she  served  him? 
Surely  it  could  not  be  less;  having  laid  it  down  as  a  rule, 
that  anything  less  would  be  injustice,  he  would  not  do 
that,  surely.  Would  it  not  be  very  natural,  that  if  this 
" independent  sovereign"  should  happen  to  have  labor 
notes  drawn  by  others,  would  he  not,  rather  than  give  his 
own,  give  them?  This  would  certainly  be  all  very  natural ; 
there  could  be  nothing  criminal  in  it.  If  we  pay  in  money, 
it  makes  no  difference  from  whom  we  receive  it — a  dollar 
being  but  a  dollar ;  an  hour's  labor  being  but  an  hour's 
labor.  The  nurse  would,  no  doubt,  be  glad  to  take  it,  es- 
pecially if  she  knew  the  value  of  it;  because,  among  the 
Philistines,  she  could  get  an  advance  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred per  cent,  above  what  it  cost  her ;  consequently,  some 
day  the  independent  sovereign  who  drew  the  note,  would 
be  called  upon  by  a  man  of  the  outer  world,  and  be  com- 
pelled to  devote  his  physical  energies  to  the  purpose  of 
promoting  some  cannibal  scheme  of  speculation.  So  in 
drawing  his  "labor  note,"  he  had  only  set  a  gull-trap  to 
catch  himself1 

Now,  suppose  a  great  many  such  transactions  take  place 
— none  looking  to  the  final  result — what  will  be  the  con- 
sequence ?  In  the  course  of  time,  they  will  discover  that 


174  VORKING     MAN    8 

they  have  only  been  betraying  one  another  into  the  hands 
of  Satan,  the  common  enemy;  caught  in  their  own  toils; 
brought  back  to  that  very  state  of  bondage  from  which 
they  had  fled,  having  fondly  anticipated  that  the  circula- 
tion of  "labor  notes'''  would  not  only  enable  them  to  abun- 
dantly supply  their  wants,  but  likewise  shield  them  from 
all  harm.  Whoever,  therefore,  attempts  the  practice,  is 
fated  to  be  disappointed.  It  must  be  evident,  that  labor 
notes  circulated  beyond  the  limits  of  the  co-operators,  can 
work  nothing  but  injury  to  those  within;  and  within  the 
pale  they  are  perfectly  useless,  because  all  the  internal  in- 
tercourse can  be  carried  on  just  as  well  without  as  with 
them,  by  keeping  accounts  against  each  other;  and  when 
the  parties  settle,  those  who  may  be  in  debt  pay  up  the 
balance,  either  in  money,  or  labor,  as  the  parties  could 
agree.  For  the  truth  of  this  statement,  I  appeal  to  Mr. 
Warren  himself. 

Here  I  must  put  a  query  to  him,  and  he  may  either  an- 
swer or  not,  just  as  he  thinks  fit.  I  have  no  desire  to  in- 
terfere with  his  "individual  sovereignty."  In  the  year 
1833,  a  small  experimental  community  of  some  half  dozen 
families,  (Mr.  Warren  and  myself  included,)  was  esta- 
blished, for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the  labor  for  labor 
principle,  and  from  the  start  the  use  of  "labor  notes"  was 
proscribed  by  the  associates;  and  during  the  whole  time  I 
staid  there,  which  was  about  three  years,  I  believe,  I  never 
saw  a  labor  note  pass  between  any  of  the  parties. 
We  had  ceased  the  practice  of  "equitable  commerce"  long 
before  I  left.  Now  the  query  is  this, — Why  were  the  "  la- 
bor notes"  suppressed?  To  speak  figuratively — was  it  to 
prevent  the  saints  from  having  the  power  of  delivering 
their  associates  into  the  hands  of  the  cruel  Philistines?  or 
was  it  not  ? 

I  am  not  anxious  to  have  this  query  solved  on  my  own 
account,  but  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  read  his  book. 
I  have  been  asked  the  question  by  some  of  them ;  they 
want  to  know;  and  no  man  is  better  qualified  to  solve 
this  little  mystery,  than  Mr.  Warren  himself. 

Another  thing  the  readers  of  Mr.  Warren's  book  want 
to  know,  is,  why,  in  that  "  picture  "  of  a  "  labor  note,"  that 
is  capable  of  representing,  with  the  greatest  truthfulness, 
almost  everything  under  the  sun,  he  has  placed  in  the  most 
conspicuous  part  of  it,  the  words  "  not  transferable"  ?  Is  it 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  175 

to  prevent  the  evil  just  now  spoken  of?  or  is  it  not?  If 
it  is,  then  why  not  put  on  the  appropriate  words,  Net  to 
circulate;  then  nobody  would  be  deceived  or  deluded  by  it. 
But  if  it  is  not,  why  fasten  a  dead  weight  to  it,  sufficient 
to  sink  it  in  public  estimation,  so  as  to  render  it  perfectly 
useless?  Furthermore,  is  it  right  to  attempt  to  palm  upon 
our  credulous,  good  feeling,  and  honest-intentioned  fellow 
men,  a  circulating  medium  bearing  upon  the  face  of  it  a 
declaration  forbidding  people  to  use  it  for  that  purpose? 
It  is  plain  to  be  seen,  that  if  people  did  so  use  it,  it  would 
be  at  their  own  risk ;  for  the  drawer  of  it,  by  this  dexterous 
mano3uvre,  would  absolve  himself  from  all  legal  responsi- 
bility. "  Prove  all  things ;  hold  fast  that  which  is  good," 
is  an  excellent  maxim,  and  a  good  rule  of  action.  Re- 
formers ^enerally,  on  discovering  that  most  of  the  evils 
which  mankind  suffer,  are  attributable  to  the  power  and 
influence  of  money  and  governments,  have  been  desirous 
of  casting  off,  at  once,  the  slavish  chains  that  fettered  and 
bound  them.  It  is  no  wonder,  then,  that  they  have  eagerly 
grasped  at  anything  that  had  the  appearance  of  ennabling 
them  to  pass  at  once  from  a  state  of  injustice,  oppression 
and  misery,  into  one  of  justice,  freedom  and  happiness. 
They  have  been  sensible  to  the  misery  around  them;  they 
have  beheld  the  promised  land  at  a  distance,  and  have 
sought  to  reach  it  by  the  shortest  possible  cut,  thereby 
overlooking  the  only  available  and  practicable  means  by 
which  the  passage  can  be  effected ;  and  the  very  simplicity 
of  the  only  practicable  means  is,  perhaps,  the  principal 
reason  why  it  has  been  so  difficult  to  discover.  It  has 
been  in  accordance  with  the  above  view,  that  Mr.  Warren 
proposes  to  make  this  short  and  pleasant  passage  by  means 
of  his  "labor  notes";  but  this  vessel  will  never  carry  us 
across  the  mighty  gulf.  He  has  been  obliged,  by  th  e  na- 
ture of  things,  to  load  her  so  heavily,  that  if  we  do  but 
analyze  the  cargo,  and  observe  well  the  build  of  the  craft, 
all  thinking  persons  will  be  convinced  she  would  sink  at 
the  moment  of  leaving  the  shore. 

Mr.  Warren  says,  page  69 :  "  By  dispensing  with  go- 
vernments, we  shake  off  the  greatest  invaders  of  human 
rights — the  very  nightmare  of  society."  This  is  true ;  no- 
thing could  be  more  so.  But  government  is  not  like  a  gar- 
ment, that  can  be  thrown  off  at  pleasure,  without  injury 
to  the  body  which  it  covers;  but  is  more  like  the  skin, 
12 


176 

which,  to  strip  from  the  body,  would  produce  instant  death, 
and  to  do  this  ourselves,  would  be  nothing  less  than  sui- 
cide. Therefore,  to  throw  off  the  shackles  of  government 
at  a  blow,  is  impossible ;  it  can  only  be  done  by  degrees, 
by  the  prudent  use  and  management  of  the  very  instru- 
ments by  which  we  are  tortured,  and  which  enthusiastic, 
though  well-meaning  reformers,  contemptuously  reject  and 
despise  altogether,  namely :  money  and  governments.  By 
these  means,  our  progress  will  be  certain  and  sure ;  when 
a  step  is  once  gained  in  this  way,  from  it  we  cannot  retro- 
grade, but  must  move  forward  to  the  next  in  order.  This 
course  being  in  conformity  to  the  immutable  laws  of  Na- 
ture, is  the  only  course  we  can  pursue  with  any  reasonable 
prospect  of  success.  And  whoever  attempts  to  reform  so- 
ciety by  any  other  method,  is  fated  to  suffer  chagrin,  mor- 
tification and  disappointment. 

The  individual  operations  and  interests  of  mankind  are 
so  intimately  and  inseparably  connected  and  interwoven, 
and  our  dependence  so  mutual,  that  continual  close  per- 
sonal contact  is  absolutely  unavoidable;  it  therefore  be- 
hooveth  us  to  make  this  contact  as  pleasant  and  as  agreea- 
ble as  possible,  by  scrupulously  respecting  the  rights  and 
feelings  of  each  other,  and  exercising  charity  to  the  ut- 
most. Let  us  endeavor  to  smoothe  the  thorny  path  of  life, 
make  the  best  use  we  can  of  the  world  while  we  are  in  it, 
and,  for  our  final  deliverance  from  the  bondage  of  tyranny 
and  oppression,  let  us  cheerfully,  patiently  wait. 

How  is  it  possible  for  us  to  strike  off  at  once  those  gall- 
ing chains  that  so  intimately  connect  us  with  money  and 
governments?  When  it  must  be  evident  to  all,  that  those 
who  have  heretofore  controlled  those  irresistible  engines, 
have  fastened  their  grappling  irons  upon  our  property,  and 
their  tenter  hooks  into  the  flesh  of  our  bodies,  into  the 
marrow  of  our  bones — aye,  even  into  our  very  iieart  strings, 
and  to  sever  these  at  a  blow — could  but  cause  certain,  in- 
stantaneous death.  Therefore,  the  only  course  left  for  us 
to  pursue,  is  to  cut  off  one  at  a  time,  by  means  of  the  bal- 
lot-box ;  give  the  patient  (the  body  politic)  time  to  recover 
from  the  operation ;  then  strike  off  another ;  and  so  con- 
tinue on,  until  the  individual  man  stands  forth  unshackled 
and  free;  then  he  can  afford  to  be  just,  be  virtuous  and 
good ;  therefore,  happy.  Cheerfully,  patiently  wait.  We  may 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY  177 

then  begin  to  think  about  the  individual  sovereignty  of 
man;  not  till  then. 

One  of  the  greatest  natural  curiosities  of  the  world  is, 
that  the  truth  in  regard  to  our  moral,  social  and  political 
relations,  has  been  so  near  to  us,  that  our  mental  vision 
has  been  completely  blinded  and  confounded  by  its  very 
nearness,  like  the  Irishman  who  declared  he  could  not  see 
the  town  for  the  houses.  Let  us,  therefore,  one  and  all, 
open  our  eyes,  our  ears,  and  our  understandings. 

Mr.  Warren,  in  conclusion,  says,  page  74 : 

"  It  is  hoped  that  some  who  are  capable  of  correct  reasoning, 
will  undertake  to  investigate,  and  (if  they  can  find  a  motive,)  to 
oppose  Equitable  Commerce,  and  ti.ereby  discover  and  expose  the 
utter  imbecility,  the  surprising  weakness  of  any  opposition  that  can 
le  brought  against  it" 

In  compliance,  therefore,  with  said  invitation,  the  fore- 
going observations  arc  offered  as  a  specimen  of  the  exposure 
of  "  the  utter  imbecility,  the  surprising  weakness  of  the  opposi- 
tion that  can  be  brought  against"  the  contents  of  his  book; 
not  against  "Equitable  Commerce,"  but  against  the  intro- 
duction of  "labor  notes"  as  a  circulating  medium.  And 
the  motive  that  prompted  them,  was  a  desire  to  prevent 
the  spread  of  error  and  delusion,  and  promote  the  cause 
of  truth.  And  of  this,  Mr.  Warren  would  be  the  last  man 
in  the  world  to  complain.  "  They  are  presented  for  calm 
study  and  honest  inquiry ;  and,  having  placed  them  fairly 
before"  him  and  "the  public,  I  shall  leave  them  to  be  esti- 
mated by  each  individual,  according  to  the  particular 
measure  of  his  understanding,  and  shall  offer  no  violence 
to  his  individuality,  by  any  attempt  to  restrain  or  to  urge 
him  beyond  it."  As  to  controversy,  I  am  ready  for  that  in 
any  shape  or  form. 

JOHN  PICKERING 

Cincinnati,  Ohio,  "  U.  S.  A.,"  August  4th,  1847. 

ADDINDA.  —As  some  objections  have  been  made  to  some  parts  of  this  chapter,  a  little 
explanation  is  necessary.  At  page  172,  after  the  query,  "Will  men  thus  make  martyrs  ef 
themselves?  "  add,  in  the  aggregate;  the  reader  will  then  have  a  correct  understanding  of 
the-  author's  meaning.  We  all  well  know  that  individuals,  sometimes,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  a  new  imbibed  idea,  become  'nfatuated.  and,  under  that  influence,  are  very  apt  to 
do  things  which  their  "  sober  second  thoughts"  would  by  no  means  approve  of.  Under 
such  circumstances,  then,  it  cannot  be  truly  said  that  they  act  in  accordance  with  the  laws 
of  human  nature,  but  are  mere  aberrations  thereof.  Add  the  same  to  each  of  the  four  pre- 
ceding declarations. 


178  WORKING 


CHAPTER  XX. 

CONCLUSION. 

IT  has  been  clearly  shown,  in  the  foregoing  pages,  that 
the  present  organization  of  society  is  one  of  injustice,  and 
is  based  upon  fundamentally  false  notions  (not  principles.) 
Because  men  do  not  accumulate  property  in  proportion  to 
their  industry;  but,  on  the  contrary,  those  who  are  the 
makers  or  producers  of  all  things,  save  the  elements,  are 
the  owners  of  nothing,  (virtually)  not  even  of  their  own 
bodies.  While,  on  the  other  hand,  those  who  make  or  pro- 
duce nothing,  become  the  owners  of  all  things,  including 
the  elements,  and  also  the  bodies  of  the  producers.  And 
when  this  false  system  of  civilization  has  reached  the  ze- 
nith of  perfection,  the  grand  result  is,  the  idle  few  become 
inordinately  rich;  the  industrious  arc  starved  to  death.  Aye, 
those  very  individuals  who  created,  by  their  labor  and  toil, 
those  very  inordinate  riches  ! 

Now,  this  is  a  startling  announcement;  but  it  is,  never- 
theless, true ;  the  history  of  civilization  proves  it ;  the  fact 
stares  us  in  the  face;  in  fact,  no  one  would  have  the  har- 
dihood to  deny  it.  Therefore,  any  system  of  laws  which 
brings  about  these  results,  must  be  FALSE.  Because  the 
statistics  of  various  countries  show  most  conclusively  that 
the  physical  ability  of  any  number  cf  inhabitants,  in  any 
country,  is  sufficient  to  create  an  abundance  of  the  pro- 
ducts of  labor,  for  the  supply  of  many  times  their  own 
number.  Thus,  England  is  able  to  clothe  the  whole  world, 
and  America  could  be  made  to  furnish  all  its  bread  stuffs. 
Therefore,  it  never  can  be  necessary,  in  order  to  promote 
the  prosperity  of  a  country,  to  starve  the  poor  producers 
to  death.  The  statistics  of  the  world  gives  the  lie  direct 
to  any  such  assertion.  There  is  also  another  reason  why 
such  a  state  of  things  need  not  exist,  and  that  is,  the  ele- 
ments of  Nature  are  amply  sufficient  to  sustain  more  than 
twenty  times  the  number  of  inhabitants  now  occupying 
the  earth.  For  a  solution  of  the  existence  of  the  myste- 
rious fact,  that  in  proportion  as  the  ability  of  a  nation  to 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  179 

create  such  things  as  are  necessary  for  man's  existence,  is 
increased,  the  more  destitute  and  poverty-stricken  becomes 
the  majority  of  its  inhabitants,  is  to  be  sought  for  in  the 
violation  of  some  law  or  laws  of  Nature,  which  experi- 
ence proves  cannot  be  done  with  impunity. 

We  have  endeavored  to  show  what  that  violation  is,  and 
contend  that  the  primary  cause  of  all  the  moral  and  social 
evils  of  society  arise  from  that  false  principle  incorporated 
into  all  so-called  "civilized  governments,"  of  legalizing  pri- 
vate and  exclusive  property  in  the  elements  ef  Nature.  In  other 
words,  in  preventing  by  law  the  free  and  equal  use  of  all  the 
elements  to  all  mankind,  and  in  preventing  the  operation  of  com- 
petition by  arbitrary  law.  This  great  violation  of  the  law  of 
immutable  justice,  being  once  established  by  law,  becomes 
the  grand  source  of  war,  of  slavery  of  every  kind,  of  in- 
justice, tyranny  and  oppression,  and  every  grade  of  crime 
and  misery.  In  short,  it  has  converted  this  beautiful  earth 
which  God  has  placed  us  upon,  with  abundant  means  to 
make  it  a  paradise,  into  a  tower  of  Babel,  a  den  of  thieves 
and  robbers,  a  world  full  of  continual  strife  and  contention. ; 

Now,  this  proposition  is  true,  or  it  is  not.  If  it  be  not 
true,  then  i>  our  labor  in  vain ;  this  book  goes  for  naught; 
it  is  not  worth  a  single  straw — the  whole  resting  upon  this 
single  proposition.  But  it  must  be  true;  and  that  is  irre- 
sistibly self-evident,  from  the  following  considerations :  Is 
it  the  duty  of  government  to  prevent  one  man  from  killing 
another?  O,  certainly,  certainly,  would  be  the  instanta- 
neous response  of  every  human  being:  nothing  could  be 
more  self-evident.  If,  then,  government  has  this  right,  and 
is  its  duty  to  prevent  murder,  where  does  it  get  the  right  * 
to  make  the  distinction  between  killing  instantly,  by  shoot-1 
ing,  or  cutting  his  throat,  and  by  killing  him  slowly  by  star- 
vation ?  From  where  did  government  derive  the  power 
of  making  one  of  these  modes  of  killing  a  crime,  and  the 
other  a  virtue?  You  that  know,  tell  us;  it  is  your  duty; 
the  people  want  to  understand  these  things. 

Is  it  not  a  glaring  fact,  staring  us  in  the  face,  that,  in 
consequence  of  this  fatal  error,  the  element  monopolizers 
of  Europe  are  starving  the  people  to  death  by  thousands;' 
and  those  very  "gentlemen,"  who  thus  starve  the  people, 
to  death,  and  those  who  justify  and  uphold  the  system,! 
have  the  unblushing  hardihood  to  declare  that  this  calamity1 
is  a  visitation  from  God,  an  unavoidable  dispensation  of 
Providence,  when  they  well  know  it  is  but  the  work  of 


180  <r  OR  KING    MAN'S 

their  own  murderous  hands.     What  impiety,  what  out- 
rageous blasphemy.     This  result  has  been  the  work  of  de 
liberate  calculation,  as  we  have  proved  by  quotations  from 
several  of  their  books.     They  have  declared  to  the  world 
that  they  had  a  right  to  bring  about  this  very  calamity. 

But  the  most  surprising  part  of  this  business  is,  that  al- 
though this  famine,  with  its  consequent  misery,  is  a  direct 
visitation  from  God,  we  should  be  called  upon  to  resist  his 
decrees  and  counteract  his  operations;  to  exercise  OUR  piety, 
charity  and  benevolence,  and  attempt  to  rescue  and  deliver 
from  the  horrors  of  famine  those  miserable  wretches  whom 
God,  in  his  wisdom  and  goodness,  had  purposely  placed  in 
that  condition.  Is  not  this  calling  upon  us  to  fight  against 
God,  and  to  resist  his  will?  Surely  it  is.  But  the  climax 
of  the  absurdity  is  this,  that  we  are  to  counteract  the  pur- 
poses of  God  by  our  own  superior  charity  and  benevolence. 
What  modesty  !  These  "  paradoxical  and  unnatural "  doc- 
trines have  been  forced  upon  mankind,  for  the  purpose  ot 
confounding  their  intellects,  to  prevent  them  from  having 
a  clear  view  of  the  fatal  consequences  of  land  monopoly' 
and  by  those  who  have  been  well  paid  for  that  service. 
But  if  they  can  give  us  no  better,  nor  a  more  rational 
view  of  the  Infinite  Divine,  the  Great  Jehovah,  they  had 
better  close  their  lips  in  everlasting  silence.  Thus  have 
the  blind  led  the  blind,  and  all  have  fallen  into  the  ditch 
of  misery  together. 

If  those  millions  of  miserable  wretches  must  be  killed 
off — in  the  name  of  justice  and  mercy;  in  the  name  of 
every  ennobling  and  philanthropic  feeling  of  the  human 
heart,  why  not  shoot  them  at  once,  rather  than  kill  them 
by  the  lingering,  painful,  horrible,  heart-rending  process 
of  starvation ?  Would  it  not  be  better  a  thousand  times? 
Let  the  voice  of  humanity  answer  the  question. 

The  advocates  of  these  "paradoxical  and  unnatural  in- 
stitutions" generally  take  shelter  behind  this  argument — 
that  inasmuch  as  God  did  not  prevent  the  occurrence  of 
this  famine,  it  is,  therefore,  in  accordance  with  his  will. 
This  argument  might  satisfy  some  minds;  but,  honest 
reader,  does  it  satisfy  yours?  One  man  shoots  another, 
stabs  another,  kills  him  instantly.  God  does  not  prevent 
it.  Is  it,  therefore,  his  will?  Would  you  dare  say  it? 
Think  you,  if  those  famishing  millions  in  Europe  were  al- 
lowed to  cultivate  the  land  they  now  stand  upon,  and  per- 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  181 

mitted  to  consume  the  fruits  of  their  toil,  they  would  perish ' 
by  starvation  ?     Could  a  famine  have  happened  ?     It  must 
be  obvious  to  all,  that  no  such  catastrophe  could  possibly 
have  taken  place. 

Could  Slavery,  in  any  form,  exist,  if  all  men  had  the 
equal  use  of  the  elements?  It  could  ^not.  Neither  could 
wars  exist  between  one  nation  and  another,  property  in 
land  being  either  directly  or  indirectly  the  only  pretext  for 
them.  It  is  the  cause  of  our  present  war  with  Mexico, 
and  all  other  wars.  Remove  the  cause,  then  the  effect 
will  cease,  as  a  matter  of  course;  but  not  till  then.  We 
may  abuse,  villify  and  anathematize  the  individuals  who 
bring  them  about,  and  those  engaged  in  their  prosecution, 
till  our  tongues  be  blistered,  and  our  pens  worn  to  the 
stump:  we  shall  not  abate  the  evil  in  the  least;  but,  on 
the  contrary,  will  be  only  increasing  the  difficulty.  Be- 
cause the  iirst  mentioned  act  from  a  feeling  of  zealous 
pride,  under  the  idea  of  making  their  country  great  by  ex- 
tending her  borders ;  of  commanding  respect  from  foreign 
nations;  and  of  making  their  country  richer  by  the  posses- 
sion of  more  land.  And  the  latter  act  from  the  love  of 
command,  the  prospect  of  "winning  glory,"  pocketing 
good  pay;  of  getting  a  living  in  that  peculiar  way,  in  pre- 
ference to  any  other :  lastly,  to  obtain  one  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  of  land. 

Therefore,  if  governments  had  not  legalized  property  in 
land,  but  the  elements  had  been  free  to  the  use  of  all,  no 
such  motives  could  have  existed  ;  or,  if  they  had,  they 
could  not  have  been  acted  out,  for  want  of  opportunity. 
Therefore,  to  abolish  what  produces  such  motives,  is  the 
only  rational  course  we  can  pursue,  while  human  nature 
is  what  it  is.  By  abolishing  legal  money  value  in  land, 
almost  all  the  motives  just  mentioned  would  cease.  Be- 
cause, if  all  men  had  the  free  use  of  land,  there  could  be 
none  to  take  by  conquest;  consequently,  a  country  could 
not  become  richer  by  extending  her  borders  by  it.  All 
men  standing  upon  equal  footing  in  regard  to  land — the 
means  of  subsistence — none  would  submit  to  be  com- 
manded by  others.  Then  there  could  be  no  glory  to  win ; 
no  high  pay  to  pocket;  no  getting  a  living  in  that  pecu- 
liar way;  nor  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  to  be 
obtained,  as  part  of  tb»e  reward  for  taking  part  in  a  system 
of  wholesale  murder  and  butchery.  Therefore,  abolish 


182  WORKING    MAN'S 

the  cause  of  war,  for  it  is  the  madness  of  folly  to  curse 
the  individuals  engaged  in  it,  while  those  "paradoxical 
and  unnatural  institutions"  exist,  which  as  naturally  pro- 
duce it,  as  bodies  gravitate  towards  the  centre  of  gravity. 

The  contemplation  of  war  is  shocking  and  loathsome  to 
all  philanthropic  minds.  Let  them,  therefore,  combine 
their  efforts  to  remove  the  cause.  There  is  one  considera- 
tion which  is,  in  some  degree,  coiisolitary  to  the  American 
citizen,  not  enjoyed  in  some  other  countries — and  that  is, 
no  citizen  of  the  United  States  can  be  compelled,  by  law, 
to  participate  in  any  foreign  war. 

It  will  be  well  for  us  all  to  keep  in  perpetual  view,  that 
no  wrong  doer  can  be  convinced  of  his  error,  nor  made  to 
do  right,  by  calling  him  harsh  names,  or  by  exciting  his 
anger  in  any  manner  whatever.  This,  all  may  know  by 
appealing  to  their  own  feelings.  But  if  we  dispassion- 
ately convince  him  of  his  error,  he  will  naturally  rigkt 
himself.  To  use  violence  in  word  or  deed,  is  but  to  betray 
our  own  ignorance  and  a  want  of  better  incentives,  name- 
ly, good  arguments.  But  this  is  no  reason  why  we  should 
not  resist  aggression,  when  once  commenced.  The  great 
wrong  is  in  making  the  commencement.  And  if  all  would 
but  observe  this  rule,  there  would  be  no  aggression,  nor 
retaliation  either.  Governments  have  not  observed  this 
simple  rule ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  have  in  the  first  place 
aggressively  violated  the  great  law  of  immutable  justice, 
by  withholding  the  free  use  of  the  land  from  a  great  por- 
tion of  the  people — making  it  a  legal  subject  of  common 
merchandise.  And  so  long  as  this  violation  exists,  so  long 
must  mankind  suffer  the  consequent  penalty,  agreeably  to 
the  immutable  laws  of  God,  namely,  famine  and  pesti- 
lence, war  and  contention,  nationally  and  individually.  If 
governments  set  a  bad  example,  is  it  any  wonder  if  the 
people  should  follow?  Certainly  not.  It  is  the  most  nat- 
ural thing  in  the  world. 

If,  then,  the  foregoing  principles  be  true,  what  is  the 
duty  of  the  legislator?  Merely  obey  the  will  of  his  con- 
stituents; nothing  more — like  the  lawyer.  And  when  the 
people  know  what  right  is,  they  will,  and  must,  therefore, 
have  it.  First.  Make  the  public  lands  free  to  actual  set- 
tlers, in  limited  quantities,  and  the  homestead  inalienable 
Second.  Abolish  all  special  privileges.  When  this  is  ac- 
complished, at  least  one-half  the  work  of  National  Reform 
is  done. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  183 

Having  placed  all  men  upon  the  same  footing  in  regard 
to  the  elements,  no  man  can  charge  another  for  the  use  of 
them.  Free  competition  will  naturally  introduce,  practi- 
cally, "Equitable  Commerce"  or  "  labor  for  labor •,"  and  "  in- 
dividual sovereignty."  Next  in  order,  "  Associative  Attrac- 
tive Industry."  This  will  be  easily  accomplished,  because 
the  elements  will  cost  nothing ;  the  use  of  capital  will  be 
had  at  the  cost  of  production,  and,  consequently,  the  use 
of  labor-saving  machinery  for  the  wear  and  tear.  And 
more  than  this,  no  man  either  would  or  could  ask  for. 

To  sum  up,  then,  the  whole  proposed  remedy,  as  a  cure 
for  the  moral,  social  and  political  evils  which  afflict  man- 
kind, may  be  accomplished  in  the  foilowing  words : 

First.  The  free  use  of  the  elements  to  all,  without 
charge. 

Second.     Perfect  free  competition. 

The  principal  reason  why  competition  has  heretofore 
been  so  productive  of  evil,  is  because  all  governments 
have  been  nothing  more  than  a  grand,  overwhelming  com- 
bination of  the  interests  of  idle  capitalists,  invented,  con- 
cocted, and  put  into  operation,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
counteracting  the  natural  equalizing  tendency  of  free  com- 
petition. Competition  only  becomes  antagonistical  to  the 
happiness  of  man,  when  the  LAND  LORDS  and  the  MONEY 
LORDS  are  closely  combined  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  pro- 
ducing classes  isolated  on  the  other. 

Thus,  then,  is  the  grand  problem  of  man's  misery,  and 
his  moral,  social,  and  political  relations,  solved,  and  our 
task  is  nearly  done.  Let  but  the  down-trodden  millions 
understand  these  principles,  and,  in  proportion  as  they  do, 
so  does  the  day  of  their  redemption  draw  nigh.  And,  ere 
long,  Justice,  who  has  been  banished  from  the  earth  ever 
since  governments  began,  will  iind  an  abiding  place  among 
men,  and  we  shall  see  her  as  she  really  is — a  being  most 
lovely  to  behold.  Not  with  a  terrible,  dark  and  frightful 
withering  frown,  and  eyes  bandaged;  but  with  a  counte- 
nance brightly  beaming  with  a  benevolent  and  cheerful 
smile,  and  eyes  wide  open.  Not  clad  in  a  red  and  bloody 
garment ;  but  in  one  of  pure  and  unsullied  whiteness,  un- 
stained by  legal  crime  and  blood.  Not  armed  with  a 
bloody  two-edged  sword,  prepared  to  annihilate  the  ma- 
jority of  mankind  from  the  face  of  the  earth;  but  richly 
laden  with  an  abundance  of  all  the  blessings  and  comforts 


184 

of  life ;  distributing,  with  a  liberal  and  unsparing  hand,  to 
all  mankind;  loudly  proclaiming,  Ye  sons  and  daughters 
of  Humanity,  weep  no  more;  dry  up  your  tears;  the  day 
of  your  redemption  draweth  nigh ;  the  reign  of  injustice, 
tyranny,  and  oppression,  is  no  more.  Then  may  men  af- 
ford to  do  unto  others  as  they  would  that  others  should  do 
unto  them.  Then  will  all  warlike  instruments  be  turned 
into  ploughshares  and  pruning-hooks,  and  nations  will 
learn  war  no  more.  The  lion  shall  lie  down  with  the 
lamb,  and  a  young  child  shall  lead  them.  Then  will  the 
reign  of  peace  on  earth,  and  good  will  to  man,  begin. 
Then  may  every  man  sit  peaceably  under  his  own  vine 
and  fig  tree,  and  there  shall  be  none  in  the  land  to  make 
him  afraid. 

Producers  of  wealth,  wake  up;  organize  yourselves  into 
societies,  associations,  and  reading  clubs;  discuss  the  sub- 
ject of  your  wrongs;  circulate  and  encourage  "National 
Reform"  newspapers,  especially  "  Young  America,"  the  great 
pioneer  of  Reform.  Institute  courts  of  Humanity,  for  the 
purpose  of  testing  the  validity  of  governmental  acts, 
whether  they  be  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  immutable 
justice,  and  the  common  rights  of  Humanity,  or  not.  Make 
known  the  results  of  your  decisions  to  your  suffering  fel- 
low men,  in  order  that  they  may  learn  how  to  cast  off 
those  chains  which  so  grievously  bind,  degrade  and  en- 
slave them. 

We  are  now  through  with  the  subject,  and  sincerely 
hope  the  reader  has  been,  in  some  degree,  benefited  by  a 
perusal  of  the  work.  If  he  has,  we  shall  be  abundantly 
rewarded  in  the  reflection  that  our  labor  has  not  been  al- 
together in  vain ;  but,  like  the  "  bread  cast  upon  the  wa- 
ters, may  be  seen  after  many  days."  And  let  us  all  hear- 
tily rejoice  and  be  thankful  that  the  wisdom  of  Providence 
has  pointed  out  a  way  so  clear  that  he  who  runs  may  read, 
and,  as  he  reads,  may  understand,  by  which  the  suffering 
millions  may  cast  off  the  shackles  which  land  monopoly 
and  the  combination  of  capital  have  so  tightly  fastened 
upon  them,  and  they  stand  forth  as  FREE  MEN,  virtuous  and 
happy.  Remember  the  "BALLOT  Box";  pledge  your  can- 
didates to  the  right  measures. 

Every  man  being  an  inseparable,  integral  part  of  the 
government  under  which  he  lives,  is,  therefore,  not  blameable 
or  responsible  for  his  actions,  providing  he  violates  none 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  185 

of  its  laws.  If  the  government  is  based  upon  false  or 
vicious  principles,  his  conduct,  in  the  aggregate,  will  be 
vicious — modified,  however,  in  some  degree,  by  each  indi- 
vidual's peculiar  organization.  And,  on  the  contrary,  if 
the  laws  of  a  government  are  based  upon  Truth,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  rights  of  Humanity,  then  the  conduct 
of  the  people,  in  the  aggregate,  will  be  good  and  virtuous 
in  proportion.  Whoever  learns  this  truth  clearly,  will,  on 
making  the  discovery,  find  himself  delivered  cf  much  of 
the  gall  and  bitterness  he  had  previously  harbored  towards 
his  fellow  men. 

It  is  stated  in  the  June  number  of  "  The  People's  Jour- 
nal," published  in  London,  by  John  Saunders,  and  of  the 
progressive  reform  character,  that  the  mechanical  power 
of  the  labor-saving  machinery  of  Great  Britain  is  estima- 
ted at  eight  hundred  millions  of  adults!  nearly  equal  to  the 
whole  population  of  the  globe.  It  is  also  stated  in  the 
same  paper,  that  "  the  labor  of  one  man  is  equal  to  the 
maintainance-  of  three  persons."  Now,  if  these  statements 
be  true,  Great  Britain  is  competent  to  create  a  sufficiency 
of  wealth  for  the  maintainance  of  nearly  three  times  the 
present  population  of  the  world!  and  yet,  with  the  posses- 
sion of  this  astonishing  power  to  produce  wealth,  the  great 
majority  of  the  working  classes  are  in  a  state  of  utter  des- 
titution, and  many  in  a  state  of  starvation.  Verily,  these 
things  bring  forcibly  to  mind  "  Ned  Laey's  paradox,"  and 
is  a  problem  for  "National  Reformers"  to  solve  practi- 
cally, which  they  certainly  will  do. 

The  following  is  also  from  an  English  paper,  and  will 
be  of  some  importance  to  the  cause  of  "National  Re- 
form": 

"  EXTRAORDINARY  STATEMENT. — A  comparison  of  the  registers  Oi 
mortality,  says  an  English  paper,  will  convince  us  that  a  hero 
placed  in  the  trenches  of  a  beleagured  fortress,  where  he  is  ex- 
posed for  weeks  to  a  continual  shower  of  cannon  shot,  or  placed 
on  a  field  of  battle,  before  the  bravest  and  most  resolute  of  his  ene- 
mies, has  a  much  better  chance  of  life,  runs  less  risk  of  a  prema- 
ture death,  than  if  he  worked  in  an  undrained  street,  and  slept  in 
a  crowded  room  in  Bristol  or  Liverpool.  The  chance  of  life  was, 
at  the 

Siege  of  Flushing,  -  -  450  to  1 

Siege  of  Antwerp,  -  -  -  G3  to  1 

Siege  at  Badajos  -  64  to  1 


186  WORKING     MANS 

Battle  of  Waterloo.  .  -  30  to  1 

Shopkeeping,  Liverpool,  -  -  19  to  1 

Weaving,  Manchester,  -  -  17  to  1 

Saw-making,  Sheffield,  •  •  14tol" 

The  following  letter  from  Dr.  Denton  is  of  too  important 
a  character  to  be  lost.  It  is  worthy  of  a  much  more  con- 
spicuous place  than  the  pages  of  this  work.  It  deserves 
to  be  kept  before  the  people  continually,  and  ought  to  be 
promulgated  by  every  possible  means.  It  is  under  these 
considerations  that  1  take  the  liberty  of  inserting  it  here, 
as  being  one  of  the  means  of  keeping  the  subject  before 
the  people.  1  here  express  my  obligations  to  the  gentle- 
man who  sent  me  the  copy,  just  in  time  for  insertion. 
The  announcement  contained  in  the  letter  is  startling.  Is 
it  possible  that  those  who  create,  by  their  physical  ener- 
gies, all  the  wealth  of  the  country,  should  only  be  enabled 
to  preserve,  for  their  own  use,  two-elevenths  of  the  whole? 
But  the  most  astonishing  part  of  the  announcement  is, 
that  the  remaining  nine-elevenths  should  fall  into  the  hands 
of  those  that  produce  nothing! 

Now,  if  this  announcement  be  true,  surely  no  one  woulc 
vindicate,  or  attempt  to  justify  and  continue  in  existence, 
a  system  of  laws  and  usages  as  produce  such  unequal  re 
suits.  Surely,  no  man  in  the  least  disposed  to  be  just  to- 
wards his  fellow  men,  could  countenance  the  thing  one 
moment:  the  injustice  is  too  glaring. 

Let  every  producer  reflect,  that  every  time  he  receives 
from  the  hands  of  the  capitalist  two  dollars,  as  a  reward 
for  his  labor,  so  every  time  do  our  laws  and  customs  keep 
out  of  his  hands,  and  put  beyond  his  control,  nine  more 
dollars  (which,  in  justice,  is  equally  his,)  into  the  hands  of 
the  idle  capitalist,  and  for  which  he  (the  capitalist,)  gives 
no  consideration  or  equivalent  whatever.  By  this  we  see 
that  idleness  is  four  and  a  half  times  better  rewarded  than  lion 
cst  industry!  Thus  do  our  u  paradoxical  and  unnatural  in- 
stitutions" discourage  and  condemn  honest  industry,  while 
a  high  premium  is  given  for  the  encouragement  of  useless 
idleness.  This  is  a  subject  worthy  of  deep  reflection,  and 
the  understanding  of  which  is  of  the  utmost  consequence 
to  the  honest  producer.  However,  every  one  must  per- 
ceive the  folly  of  blaming  or  stigmatizing  the  individuals 
engaged  in  those  practices.  The  fault  is  not  in  them,  but 
HI  our  "  paradoxical  and  unnatural  institutions. "_  There- 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  187 

fore,  let  all  who  wish  to  see  a  better  state  of  thing's,  ex- 
amine and  critically  scrutinize  the  remedy  proposed  in  this 
work,  and  if  found  competent  to  produce  the  desired  re- 
sult, lose  no  time  nor  opportunity  in  promulgating  the 
principles  herein  developed.  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  they 
do  not  appear  competent,  and  something  better  can  or  has 
been  discovered,  let  that  have  the  preference,  and  let  no 
time  be  lost  in  giving  the  information  to  suffering  Hu- 
manity; and  in  either  case  I  shall  be  equally  happy.  No 
matter  from  where  comes  truth,  so  we  do  but  have  it. 

«•  From  the  Michigan  Expositor. 

"LETTER  FROM  DR.  DENTON  TO  THE  FARMERS' 
MEETING. 

"ANN  ARBOR,  December,  1843. 

MESSRS.  JOHN  ROWLAND,  JOHN  CAVENDER,  LEWIS  KEMP,  AND 
OTHERS  : — 

"  Observing  your  names  to  a  call  for  a  meeting  of  the  Farmers 
of  Lenawee,  to  further  the  farming  interests  of  the  county,  &c.,  I, 
with  a  slight  hope  of  being  some  service  to  you  and  the  commu- 
nity in  general,  have  felt  impelled  to  address  you  a  letter,  stating 
some  facts  and  observations  at  which  I  have  arrived  after  much  re- 
flection, believing  them  somewhat  applicable  to  the  object  you  seem 
to  have  in  view. 

"  That  wealth  is  but  the  accumulated  creations  of  labor,  is  a  car- 
dinal and  obvious  truth,  which  none  will  pretend  to  deny.  But 
how  is  it,  that  those  who  create  it  all,  are  enabled  to  retain  so  little 
for  their  own  share,  is  a  phenomenon  which  requires  explanation. 

''What  sum  in  dollars  will  represent  the  value  of  the  annual 
products  of  the  United  States  in  all  branches  of  production? 

"  Different  answers  have  been  given  to  this  interesting  question, 
by  various  statisticians,  some  estimating  them  as  high  as  1,300,  and 
others  as  high  as  15  or  1,600  millions  of  dollars. 

"  But  in  these  estimates,  I  have  found  that  several  large  items 
have  been  twice,  and  others  thrice  reckoned.  For  instance,  our 
wool  is  first  estimated,  and  then  it  is  again  reckoned  in  our  manu- 
factured woolens,  and  just  so  of  our  cotton  and  cotton  goods. 

"  Our  grain  is  first  estimated,  and  then  reckoned  over  again  in 
the  products  of  our  flouring  mills.  The  annual  value  of  our  lum- 
ber, bricks,  and  lime,  is  first  put  down,  and  then  it  is  all  re-estima- 
ted in  the  value  of  the  buildings  annually  erected.  The  lumber, 
metals,  cordage,  &c.,  are  first  estimated,  and  then  reckoned  over 
again,  in  the  annual  value  of  ships  built;  and  the  cordage,  sails, 
&c..  had  been  estimated  once  previously,  in  the  value  of  the  flax 


188  WORKING  MAN'S 

and  hemp  crops;  and  thus  we  might  go  on  through  a  very  large 
catalogue.  It  will  readily  be  perceived,  that  this  mode  of  analysis 
will  reduce  the  estimates  of  some  economists  very  much. 

"  We  have  deducted  one  item  more  from  our  estimates,  viz :  the 
necessary  subsistence  of  the  laborers.  Food,  clothing,  and  lodging, 
are  indispensable,  even  for  slaves ;  and  all  that  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary for  that  object,  we  have  excluded  in  our  calculations,  arid  thus 
make  the  aggregate  annual  products  of  industry,  of  all  the  laboring 
classes  of  the  United  States,  over  and  above  so  much  food  and 
clothing,  as  a  master,  in  the  pursuit  of  his  own  interest,  would  al- 
low his  slaves,  amount  to  $1,046,186,000. 

"  Now,  it  is  obvious  that  all  the  wealth  which  any  man,  or  any 
class  of  men  in  the  United  States,  obtains  in  any  way,  is  derived 
directly  or  indirectly  from  this  original  sum. 

"Now,  if  we  can  arrive  at  the  sum  which  each  class  of  non- 
producers  annually  receives,  the  remainder  will  be  the  amount  left 
for  distribution  among  those  who  create  it  all. 

"  For  this  purpose,  we  have  gone  into  a  very  thorough  and  mi- 
nute examination,  to  ascertain  the  amount  annually  distributed  to 
each  of  the  non-producing  classes  in  the  United  States,  viz: 

"  THE  AMOUNT  DISTRIBUTED  TO  THE  LAWYERS,  AND  ALL  OTHERS 
ENGAGED  IN  THE  ADMINISTRATION  OF  THE  LAW; 

"THE  AMOUNT  DISTRIBUTED  TO  THE  BANKERS  AND  BROKERS,  &C ; 

"THE  AMOUNT  DISTRIBUTED  FOR  TOWNSHIP,  COUNTY,  STATE,  VIL- 
LAGE, TOWN,  CITY,  AND  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT  PURPOSES  J 

'    THE  AMOUNT  DISTRIBUTED  TO  OUR  MERCHANTS ; 

"THE  AMOUNT  ADDED  TO  THE  PUBLIC  BURDENS,  CONSEQUENT  UPON 
THE  PRESENT  MODE  OF  COLLECTING  THE  UNITED  STATES  REVENUE,  &C. 

"These  aggregate  sums  amount  to  $889,087,409,  leaving  for 
distribution  among  the  laborers,  8157,097,591.  This  is  the  labor- 
ers' portion,  over  and  above  such  necessaries  as  a  prudent  master 
would  provide  for  a  slave,  when  acting  in  conformity  to  his  own 
interests. 

"But  for  the  sake  of  being  on  the  safe  side  in  these  calculations, 
and  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the  figures  to  round  numbers,  I 
will  call  the  latter  sum  200  millici.s,  and  the  former  sum  900  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  making  1100  millions  of  dollars  in  all. 

"This,  you  will  perceive,  distributes  about  nine-elevenths  of  the 
aggregate  products  of  the  industry  of  the  country  to  the  non-pro- 
ducing clhsses,  leaving  but  two-elevenths  for  those  whose  labor 
produces  it  all. 

"  Of  course,  you  cannot  feel  any  great  confidence  in  these  bare 
statements,  unaccompanied  by  the  statistics  and  other  data  by  which 
I  have  arrived  at  thcso  results;  but  the  limits  which  must  be  pre- 
scribed for  this  epistle,  will  not  admit  of  my  giving  them  in  this 
place;  yet  I  would  here  observe,  that  I  found  much  greater  fa- 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  189 

cility  in  proceeding  with  these  intricate  estimates  and  calculations, 
than  I  had  anticipated;  as,  in  most  instances,  I  have  been  able  to 
arrive  at  the  same  general  result,  by  two  or  more  different  modes  of 
calculations,  each  based  upon  a  different  set  of  facts,  thus  proving 
one  another.  You  will  not,  therefore,  think  strange,  if  I  place 
great  confidence  in  them. 

"The  laborers,  then,  of  this  country,  already  yield  up  to  the 
non-producing  classes  nine-elevenths  of  all  the  wealth  which  their 
toil  creates,  and  the  tendency  is  still  onward;  the  non-producing 
classes  are  constantly  increasing  in  numbers,  and  growing  more 
exorbitant  in  their  demands,  till  soon  another  eleventh  will  be 
taken  from  you,  and  ere  long  another,  when  a  bare  subsistence  will 
be  all  that  is  left  to  the  laboring  man. 

"  England  arrived  at  this  stage  several  years  ago,  to  which  we 
are  now  looking  forward;  and  one  would  suppose,  when  a  nation 
had  arrived  at  this  crisis,  it  could  go  no  farther;  but  not  so  with 
England;  for  the  ponderous  machinery  still  moved  on,  until  labor 
would  barely  procure  two  meals  of  victuals  per  day,  and  raiment 
and  lodging  in  proportion;  and,  at  this  very  moment,  a  struggle  is 
going  on,  if  the  period  has  not  already  arrived,  when  the  demands 
of  the  non-producing  classes  sponge  up  all  but  one  meal  per  day 
for  the  laborer,  and  a  few  rags  for  raiment;  and  the  same  causes 
are  in  operation  here,  working  out  the  same  appalling  results.  In- 
crease but  slightly  the  expenses  of  our  complicated  forms  of  gov- 
ernment, and  our  cumbersome  system  of  jurisprudence — afford 
more  facilities  for  the  increase  of  bankers  and  brokers,  and  let  a 
few  more  enter  into  mercantile  pursuits,  &c. — and  these  non-pro- 
ducers will  be  so  numerous,  as  to  consume  the  products  of  your 
industry,  leaving  but  a  beggarly  subsistence  for  the  laboring  classes. 

"And  who  cannot  perceive  a  steady  growth  in  the  numbers  and 
demands  of  non-producers  in  this  country]  They  arc  gradually 
becoming  more  corpulent  and  more  numerous,  and  thus  steadily 
trenching  upon  the  earnings  of  the  laborers. 

*'  The  great  interest  of  the  laboring  classes,  then,  is  to  dispense 
with  as  many  non-producers  as  possible,  and  reduce  the  emolu- 
ments of  such  as  are  indispensable,  as  low  as  the  case  admits;  for 
the  more  these  get  in  the  way,  the  less  wealth  there  is  for  thoso 
who  create  it  all.  The  labor  of  the  country  produces  but  a  given 
amount,  and  the  question  is,  who  shall  have  it  ?  The  more  there  is 
bestowed  upon  the  non-producers,  the  less  there  can  be  left  for  the 
laborers. 

"  For  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  mode  in  which  your  sub- 
stance passes  into  the  hands  of  non-producers,  and  making  some 
estimates  of  the  enormity  of  its  amount,  let  us  select,  for  the  sake 
of  illustration,  one  class,  viz : 


190  WORKING   MAN'S 

•  MERCANTILE  NON-PRODUCERS. 

»•  In  1840,  the  number  of  inhabitants  in  Michigan,  was  212,267, 
uid  the  number  of  retail  establishments  was  612;  being  one  for 
every  58  families  of  six  persons  each.  The  proportion  is  less  in 
the  Somii  Western  States,  and  more  for  the  Eastern,  being  one  to 
about  33  families  in  New  York  and  Massachusetts,  and  one  to  every 
49  families  of  six  persons  each  for  the  United  States  at  large 

44  Michigan  then  supported  612  retail  establishments,  with  all  their 
families  and  servants,  and  expensive  rents  of  dwelling  houses  and 
store  houses,  clerks'  wages,  the  expenses  of  612  mercantile  agents 
going  to  New  York  City  and  back  again  twice  a  year.  These  country 
merchants  buy  of  Jobbers  who  have  already  realized  a  profit  on 
these  goods,  and  the  Jobbers  buy  of  Wholesalers  or  Commission 
Houses,  who  had  previously  realized  a  considerable  profit. 

"Any  one  must  perceive  that  the  extreme  complication  of  this 
mercantile  system  will  render  it  enormously  expensive,  especially 
when  we  take  into  the  account,  that  all  these  different  varieties  of 
mercantile  agents  are  supported  in  a  style  superior  to  that  of  the 
producing  classes. 

"By  diligent  inquiry  among  men  who  have  been  engaged  in  bus- 
iness, as  importing  and  commission  merchants,  and  others  who  are 
experienced  in  jobbing,  and  then  again  among  those  who  are  expe- 
rienced as  retailers,  I  am  led  to  estimate  these  mercantile  profits  thus  * 

•'The  commission  or  importing  merchant  sells  $100  worth  of 
goods  to  the  jobber,  and  adds  15  per  cent.,  making  $115  (this  sale 
is  always  quoted  as  the  wholesale  price,  in  price-current  tables.) 
The  jobber  adds  20  per  cent.,  and  sells  to  the  retailer  or  country 
merchant,  who  must  pay,  of  course,  8135.  The  retailer  now  adds 
33^  per  cent.,  and  sells  to  the  customer,  the  latter  having  to  pay, 
at  this  rate,  $181  for  what  originally  cost  the  importing  or  commis- 
sion merchant  but  $100.  The  cost  of  freight,  on  an  average,  for 
merchandise,  from  New  York  to  Ann  Arbor,  is  estimated  at  5  per 
cent.,  which,  being  deducted,  leaves  79  per  cent,  for  mercantile 
profits.  These  estimates,  of  course,  are  intended  as  an  average, 
many  articles  paying  more,  and  others  less  profits. 

"  But  again,  every  country  must  sell  as  much  as  it  buys;  and  here 
is  another  mercantile  profit,  realized  by  some  one,  on  what  is  sold. 

"  For  instance  :  In  May  last,  a  barrel  of  flour  in  Ann  Arbor,  was 
worth  $3,122-,  an(l  in  New  York  City  it  was  worth  at  the  same  time 
$4,88;  and  it  cost  $1,10  to  transport  it:  so  the  New  York  City  mer- 
chant would  purchase  the  flour  when  it  arrived,  pay  the  transporta- 
tion charge,  and  give  to  the  Michigan  merchant,  or  flour  dealer,  21 
per  cent,  profit  on  his  investment. 

"  In  transporting  a  barrel  of  flour,  we  in  effect  transport  5  bushels 
of  wheat,  which,  at  $1,10  per  bbl.  would  be  equivalent  to  25  cts. 
per  busnel;  but  when  Western  wheat  is  worth  $1,00  per  bushel  in 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  191 

New  York  City,  the  market  price  here  does  not  exceed  56  cts.  This 
will  pay  the  transportation,  and  net  the  Michigan  wheat  dealer  3£ 
per  cent,  on  his  purchase  money ;  or  if  we  allow  25  cents  per  bush- 
el for  transportation,  the  New  York  price  pays  34  per  cent,  profit  on 
the  purchase  money.  We  suppose  other  articles  of  export  pay  the 
dealers  as  high  a  profit,  if  not  higher :  but  for  the  purpose  of  being  on 
the  safe  side,  we  will  call  the  average  mercantile  profits  on  our  ex- 
ports 21  per  cent.  ,  which  being  added  to  the  79  per  cent,  profits  on 
the  merchandise,  make  100  per  cent,  in  mercantile  profits,  besides 
paying  cost*  of  transportation  both  ways;  that  is.  the  farmers  of 
Washtenaw  pay  100  per  cent,  besides  the  expense  of  transportation 
both  ways,  for  the  purpose  of  changing  the  products  of  their  indus- 
try into  merchandise.  They  give  one  barrel  of  flour  to  get  another 
exchanged  for  merchandise,  besides  paying  for  bringing  the  goods 
here  and  carrying  the  flour  to  New  York  City. 

"  To  test  the  correctness  of  the  above  estimates,  let  me  advise  you 
to  examine  very  frequently,  and  compare  the  prices  current  of  New 
York  City  with  those  of  your  own  country.  For  this  purpose,  I  took 
up  the  New  York  Express  of  the  15th  of  September,  by  which 
[  learned  that  Illinois  and  Michigan  wheat  was  selling  for  $1,00  per 
bushel  in  New  York  City.  In  Ann  Arbor  it  was  soiling  for  56  cents. 

'•An  article  of  Brown  Sheeting  was  quoted  in  New  York  at  5 
cents.  (It  must  bo  recollected  that  the  wholesale  prices,  as  quoted, 
are  the  prices  at  which  the  jobbers  purchase  of  the  importers  or 
commission  houses,  after  the  first  profit  of  15  per  cent,  is  added.) 
fn  Ann  Arbor,  a  similar  article  of  Brown  Sheeting  to  that  named  in 
ihe  Express,  was  selling  for  9  cents;  so  in  New  York  City  a  bush- 
el of  Michigan  wheat  would  pay  for  20  yards  of  this  Brown  Sheet- 
ing at  wholesale,  and  at  the  same  time  in  Ann  Arbor  one  bushel  ot 
wheat  would  pay  for  but  6  yards  and  32-100ths  at  retail 

"  Bleached  Sheeting,  one  yard  wide,  was  quoted  at  7  cents  In 
Ann  Arbor  a  similar  article  was  selling  for  1 1  cents.  So  in  New  York 
City  one  bushel  of  wheat  would  buy  14  yards  3-10ths  of  this  sheet 
ing,  and  in  Ann  Arbor  it  would  pay  for  but  5  yards  and  1-1 1th. — In 
the  same  paper  was  quoted  "plaids,  stripes,  fast  colors,  checks,  yard 
wide,  at  7  cents."  On  enquiring  of  one  of  our  merchants,  he  said 
goods  of  the  same  description  were  selling  here  at  13  cents  per  yard 
So  in  New  York  City,  a  bushel  of  Michigan  wheat  would  pay  for 
14  yards  3-10ths,  when  in  Ann  Arbor  a  bushel  would  pay  for  but  4 
yards  3-10ths.  Or  in  other  words,  it  would  require  3  bushels  3-10 
of  wheat,  to  purchase  as  much  of  these  articles  in  Ann  Arbor,  as 
one  barrel  would  buy  in  New  York  City. 

"  Through  the  summer,  and  now,  rice  is  quoted  in  New  York  at 
from  2  to  3  cents,  and  but  seldom  so  high  as  3.  We  will  call  it  2£ 
per  pound  on  an  average.  In  Washtenaw  County  the  majonty  of 
retailers  have  sold  rice  steadily,  as  high  as  7  cents  during  tho  last 

13 


192  WORKING   MAN'S 

summer.  So  in  New  York,  one  bushel  of  wheat  would  pay  for 
40  Ibs.  of  rice,  and  in  Washtenaw  but  8  Ibs.  Or  40  Ibs.  of  rice  in 
New  York  City,  would  purchase  but  one  bushel  of  wheat,  and  here 
401bs.  of  rice  would  pay  for  5  bushels  of  wheat.  And  thus  we 
might  go  on  through  the  whole  catalogue  of  merchandise ;  but  enough 
has  been  shown  to  demonstrate  to  any  one,  that  the  estimated  mer- 
cantile profits  as  above  stated  are  not  too  high. 

"The  problem  to  be  solved  is,  how  much  of  this  100  per  cent,  of 
mercantile  profits  can  be  got  rid  of,  if  any;  and  in  what  way  is 
the  reform  to  be  brought  about?  We  should  not  be  in  haste  to  act 
on  any  of  thess  important  subjects,  until  we  have  elicited  all  the 
facts ;  for  any  action  based  on  meagre  or  defective  information,  must 
result  disastrously  to  the  undertaking.  Our  principal  object,  then, 
at  present,  should  be  facts,  and  their  general  promulgation ;  and  if 
thy  above  estimates  approximate  to  the  truth,  and  the  public  become 
well  informed  on  the  subject,  we  must  all  confess  our  mistake  in  the 
American  character,  if  some  practical  scheme  of  relief  is  not  dis- 
covered and  put  in  execution. 

"  Positive  knowledge  being  the  great  desideratum,  we  ought  not  at 
pres3iit  to  distract  our  attention,  by  any  very  anxious  inquiry  about 
the  remedy,  leaving  that  to  develope  itself,  as  it  most  assuredly  will, 
after  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  evils  and  their  extent.  But 
as  no  one  can  contemplate  these  evils  long,  without  reflecting  more 
or  less  upon  different  plans  of  relief,  so  several  have  been  suggested 
to  my  own  mind,  one  of  which  I  shall  here  mention, — deeming  it 
of  no  other  importance  however,  than  a  mere  suggestion. 

"  Let  the  State  appoint  two  or  more  mercantile  agents,  to  reside  in 
New  York  City,  and  New  England,  for  the  purpose  of  making  pur- 
chases, &c.,  for  the  State,  and  selling  all  the  produce  from  the  State 
consigned  to  them. 

'•  Each  county  on  the  start,  will  furnish  them,  with  a  conplete  list 
of  the  spring  and  fall  purchases  of  merchandise  for  the  previous 
year.  These,  with  the  constant  correspondence  which  would  be  kept 
up,  would  enable  them  to  purchase  for  the  whole  State,  with  as 
much  ease  and  accuracy,  as  a  merchant  now  can  for  a  single  firm; 
and  by  purchasing  in  such  large  quantities,  they  would  be  enabled  to 
procure  all  kinds  of  American  goods,  of  the  factories  at  first  cost, 
and  foreign  goods  at  cargo  prices,  thus  avoiding  the  profits  of  the 
jobbing  and  commission  Merchants  too,  in  a  great  measure ;  by 
which  means  all  our  purchases  would  be  made  at  first  cost,  except 
a  fow  of  the  foreign  articles,  and  these  at  a  great  abatement  of  the 
usual  profits  of  15  per  cent.  Thus  they  would  be  enabled  to  buy 
9-10ths  of  our  goods  at  first  cost,  and  the  remainder  at  so  low  a  rate 
that  one  per  cent.,  on  the  whole  purchases,  would  cover  the  addition 
to  the  first  cost. 

"  The  appropriate  number  of  unbroken  packages,  would  be  marked 
and  forwarded  to  each  county  in  the  State. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  193 

"  For  instance,  those  consigned  to  Washtenaw,  would  be  received 
at  a  suitable  depot,  in  a  building  possessing  suitable  conveniences 
for  distributing  them,  where  nothing  would  be  received  in  exchange 
for  goods  but  a  certificate  of  produce  or  money,  deposited  with  some 
proper  officer.  Frequent  or  daily  advices  from  our  State  agents 
would  enable  our  county  distributors  to  know  what  prices  it  would 
answer  to  allow  for  produce  from  day  to  day. 

"This  would  .enable  us  to  avoid  all  the  mercantile  profits  on  our 
produce  and  all  but  about  ono  per  cent,  on  our  merchandise.  But 
our  state  agents  and  clerks,  and  the  expenses  of  each  county  for  dis- 
tributing the  goods  is  unprovided  for;  all  of  which,  added  to  the 
one  per  cent,  above,  would  make  it  all  amount  to  but  10  per  cent,  in- 
stead of  100,  as  it  now  does. 

**  The  present  costs  of  transportation  are  too  high,  and  too  many 
persons  are  making  livings  and  fortunes  out  of  them.  The  number 
of  carriers  is  small,  however,  compared  with  those  who  do  business 
with  them ;  consequently  the  former  can  combine  against  the  latter, 
and  extort  almost  any  rates  they  please  ;  but  if  one  man  were  act- 
ing for  the  whole  State,  he  would  have  it  in  his  power  to  make  al- 
most any  terms  he  chooses,  by  offering  the  business  of  the  whole 
State  to  the  transportation  company  that  would  do  it  cheapest.  You 
find  charged  in  the  present  bills  of  freight,  wharfage,  truckage,  store- 
age,  cooperage,  at  Detroit,  and  again  at  Buffalo,  and  again  at  New 
York  City,  with  the  additional  items  there  of  inspection  and  co7)imis- 
sion;  and  perhaps  nine-tenths  of  these  charges  are  purely  fictitious 
and  could  03  avoided  by  a  comprehensive  system. — And  besides  all 
these,  such  an  agent  could  treat  with  the  State  of  New  York  for 
a  reduction  of  tolls,  inspection,  dec.,  which  would  in  all  likeli- 
hood be  abated,  to  prevent  us  passing  through  the  Welland  Canal. 

"A  barrel  of  flour  can  be  carried  from  Albany  to  Boston,  over 
the  railroad,  all  the  way  by  land,  160  miles,  at  a  cost  to  the  com- 
pany of  but  16  cents.  The  present  price  of  freight  on  agricultural 
produce,  from  Michigan  to  New  York  City,  all  the  way  by  water, 
amounts  to  33  or  33£  per  cent,  on  its  cost.  These,  with  many  other 
considerations,  teach  us  that  at  present,  freight  both  ways  is  quite 
too  high;  and,  under  a  comprehensive  system,  might  be  greatly  re- 
duced, so  much,  perhaps,  as  to  get  our  merchandise  carried  for  2 
per  cent,  instead  of  5,  and  our  exports  for  20,  instead  of  33£  per  con'. 
We  should  not  deem  it  impossible  to  reduce  the  price  of  freight  ul- 
timately, so  that  a  barrel  of  flour  could  be  transported  all  the  way 
for  50  cents,  which  would  make  wheat  worth  90  cents  in  Michigan, 
when  it  is  worth  $1  in  New  York  City. 

More  moderate  reductions  in  freight,  than  those  we  have  intma- 
ted,  would  save  enough  to  pay  our  mercantile  agents  for  the  State, 
and  defray  the  expenses  of  distributing  the  goods. 

Some  might  be  apprehensive  of  defalcations  in  our  agents  ;  bui 


104  .-WORKING    MAN'S 

the  revenues  of  our  counties,  states  and  nation,  and  the  revenues  of 
all  nations,  are  all  entrusted  to  the  hands  of  men;  and  the  ratio  of 
defalcations  is  next  to  nothing. 

"  Our  state  and  county  organizations  now  of  so  little  use,  except  to 
mere  politicians,  would  then  be  converted  to  purposes  of  real  utility 
to  the  masses,  if  we  would  but  invoke  them  to  furnish  our  laboring 
men  with  as  many  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  for  one  day's  work, 
one  bushel  of  wheat  or  one  barrel  of  flour,  as  they  now  obtain  for 
two 

"  You  will  perceive  that  goods  throughout  the  United  States,  when 
bought  at  retail,  are  charged  with  nearly  the  same  amount  of  mer- 
cantile profits,  and  differ  slightly  in  price  according  to  the  differ- 
ence in  cost  of  transportation ;  but  the  last,  when  compared  with 
the  first,  is  always  small  at  most.  And  yet  our  age  has  displayed  a 
most  laudable  zeal,  in  lessening  the  cost  of  transportation, by  the  con- 
struction of  canals,  railroads,  &c.,  rightly  deeming  itself  well  paid  for 
any  amount  of  time  spent  in  legislation,  and  the  outlay  of  enormous 
sums  of  money,  if  5  or  10  per  cent,  could  thus  be  saved  on  the  cost 
of  goods;  but  is  it  not  probable,  that  much  less  time  spent  in  legis- 
lation, and  a  much  smaller  sum  of  money  in  establishing  a  compre- 
hensive mercantile  system,  could  save  50  or  100  per  cent.  1 

"  I  hope  you  will  not  suppose,  that  1  attach  any  importance  to  this 
suggestion  of  a  remedy. — More  information  is  what  is  desirable  at 
present,  not  only  in  reference  to  our  mercantile,  but  all  other  classes 
of  non-producers.  The  grand  inquiry  should  be,  how  to  restore  to  the 
producers  ten-elevenths  of  their  earnings,  instead  of  extorting  nine- 
elevenths,  and  making  constant  encroachments  on  the  remainder. 

'*  Cannot  the  farmers  and  other  laboring  classes  of  Michigan,  estab- 
lish a  weekly  or  semi-monthly  paper,  which  shall  be  devoted  to  an 
investigation  of  their  interests,  in  all  their  bearings;  and  through 
the  columns  of  which,  the  producing  class  can  hold  intercourse  for 
the  interchange  of  opinions'?  Yours,  &c., 

"S.  DENTON." 

A  few  songs  will  be  now  subjoined,  suitable  for  singing 
in  clubs  and  "National  Reform"  meetings,  imparting 
amusement,  instruction,  and  good  fellow  feeling. 

FREEMAN'S  SONG. 
TUNE— Old  Rosin  the  Beau. 

Come,  all  yc  true  friends  of  the  nation, 

Attend  to  humanity's  call: 
Conae,  aid  the  domain's  liberation, 

Ar.-d  roll  on  the  Agrarian  ball. 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  195 

The  Agrarian  hosts  are  advancing ; 

The  freedom  of  land  they  declare; 
The  down-trodden  millions  are  crying, 

Come,  break  up  our  gloom  of  despair. 

Ye  Democrats,  come  to  the  rescue, 

And  aid  on  the  Agrarian  cause, 
And  millions  will  rise  up  and  bless  you 

With  heart-cheering  songs  of  applause. 

Let  Whiggery  forsake  its  minions, 

And  boldly  step  into  our  ranks; 
We  care  not  for  party  opinions; 

But  invite  all  the  friends  of  the  Banks. 

And  when  we  have  formed  the  blest  union. 

We  '11  firmly  march  on,  one  and  all ; 
WTe'll  sing  when  we  meet  in  communion. 

And  roll  on  the  Agrarian  ball. 

The  question  of  test  is  now  turning, 

And  free  soil  or  monopoly  must  fall ; 
While  hope  in  tho  bosom  is  burning, 

We'll  roll  on  the  Agrarian  ball. 

Ye  freemen,  attend  to  your  voting; 

Your  ballots  will  answer  the  call ; 
While  others  attend  to  log-rolling, 

We'll  roll  on  the  Agrarian  Oal. 


LINES. 

BY  J.  R    LOWELL.      ,, 

We  will  speak  out.     We  will  be  heard, 
Though  all  earth's  systems  crack; 

We  will  not  bate  a  single  word, 
Nor  take  a  letter  back. 

We  speak  the  truth,  and  what  care  we 

For  hissing  and  for  scorn, 
While  some  faint  gloamings  we  can  see 

Of  freedom's  coming  morn  1 

Let  liars  fear;  let  cowards  shrink; 

Let  traitors  turn  away ; 
Whatever  we  have  dared  to  think, 

That  dare  we  also  say ! 


196  ;  WORKING     BI 


THE  BALLOT  BOX. 

Freedom's  consecrated  dower, 

Casket  of  a  priceless  gem ! 
Nobler  heritage  of  power, 

Than  imperial  diadem ! 
Corner-stone,  on  which  was  reared 

Liberty's  triumphal  dome, 
When  her  glorious  form  appeared 

"Midst  our  ~wn  green  mountain  home 

Purchas'd  by  as  noble  blood 

As  in  mortal  veins  e'er  run, 
By  the  toil  of  those  who  stood 

By  the  side  of  Washington — 
By  the  hearts  that  met  the  foe 

On  their  native  battle  plain, 
Where  the  arm  that  strikes  the  blow, 

Never  needs  to  strike  again ! 

Where's  the  craven  that  would  dare 

Mar  it  with  polluted  breath  ? 
Scorned  and  curs'd,  be  his  to  share 

The  traitor's  shame,  the  traitor's  death 
Let  his  faithless  heart  be  torn, 

From  his  reckless  bosom  riven, 
And  upon  the  whirlwind  borne, 

To  the  carrion  kite  be  given ! 

Guard  it,  freeman !  guard  it  well  i 

Spotless  as  your  maidens'  fame  I 
Never  let  your  children  tell 

Of  your  weakness,  of  your  shame ! 
That  their  fathers  basely  sold 

What  was  bought  with  blood  and  toi 
That  you  bartered  right  for  gold, 

Here  on  Freedom's  sacred  soil! 

Let  your  eagle's  quenchless  eye, 

Fixed,  unstrung,  sleepless,  bright, 
Watch,  when  danger  hovers  nigh, 

From  his  lofty  mountain  height : 
While  the  stripes  and  stars  shall  wave 

O'er  this  treasure,  pure  and  free, 
The  land's  Palladium,  it  shall  save 

The  home  and  shrine  of  Liberty 
• 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  197 

SEVEN  SHORT  ANTHEMS. 

Am — Woodman,  Spare  that  Tree. 

In  this  which  gnaws  my  heart, 

I  'd  spare  ancestry's  name : 
But  their  neglected  part 

Will  live  to  cry  their  shame : 
Half-living  millions  groan 

And  bleed,  in  tyrant's  chains! 
And  every  gash  and  moan 

Are  everlasting  stains ! 

AIR — My  Highland  Home. 

Our  fathers'  homes,  where  Freedom  dwelt, 

And  plenty  smiled  around, 
Dream 'd  not  that  want  would  soon  be  felt. 

And  land  lords'  slaves  abound. 
Our  grandames,  gleeful  round  the  fire, 

Maids,  in  their  fathers'  homes, 
Did  live  to  see  our  rights  expire, 

And  Freedom's  foe  exhumed. 
I  '11  grieve  no  more  for  freedom  lost, 

Nor  rate  our  fathers'  tombs; 
Those  days  of  liberty  are  past — 

Our  fathers'  happy  homes! 

AIR — Exile  of  Erin. 

The  yoke  is  upon  us  too  firmly  to  break  it , 
Forever  lords'  things  we  hereafter  must  be. 

A  century  since  might  it  have  been  prevented  : 
Our  fathers  secured,  as  they  sung,  liberty. 

The  hopes  of  the  down-trodden  millions  are  blighted, 

O'er  Earth,  as  they  see  our  Republic  benighted ; 

As  viewing  her  glory,  in  which  they  delighted, 
O'ercast,  to  proclaim  that  they  cannot  be  free 

AIR — Marselloise  Hymn. 

Unless  we  rouse,  in  might,  for  freedom, 

Impelled,  by  all  we  love,  to  rise, 
By  all  we  hate  in  tyrants'  thraldom, 

By  all  we  hope  beyond  the  skies. — 
Shall  we  remain  supinely  lying* 

When  we  have  strength  and  right  to  dc  ? 


198  WORKING  MAN'S 

I  think  the  air  is  rent  with  NO . 
And  ere  the  world  has  ceased  their  sighing. 

We  might  to  arms  again, 
Th'  avenging  sword  unsheath, 
Redeem  the  name  of  Freedom's  sons, 

In  liberty  or  death  ! 

AIR — Star  Spangled  Banner. 

That  thus  it  might  be,  is  the  prayer  of  my  heart ; 
But  the  hirelings'  fell  swords  at  our  throats  would  be  pointed 
Our  wives  and  their  infants  would  bs  cut  apart, 
And  their  limbs,  by  these  butchers,  before  us,  disjointed. 
O  God  !  could  I  hope,  that,  our  cause  being  just, 
We  still  might  succeed ;  and,  with  one  spirit,  trust 
That  our  Star  Spangled  Banner,  in  triumph,  may  wave 
O'er  this  land  again  free,  and  the  home  of  the  brave ! 

Am — Battle  and  the  Breeze. 

Could  we  unfurl  that  flag  again. 

Our  freedom  we'd  secure ; 
The  LORD  should  not  the  LAND  retain, 

But  give  it  to  the  poor. 
Each  mairs  would  be  his  neighbor's  right — 

One  universal  peace ; 
Our  spangled  flag  of  Freedom's  light 

Would  wave  till  Time  shall  cease ! 

AIR — Away  to  the  Mountain's  Brow. 

I  will  away,  to  impart  the  fire 

That  is  in  my  bosom  burning, 
And  rouse  the  Land's  avenging  ire, 

The  oppressor's  wrong  o'erturning. 
And  helpless,  my  wife,  I  leave  with  thy  brood ; 

Innocence  be  their  guardian  and  friend  : 
For  again,  in  their  midst,  will  I  never  taste  food 
Till  Oppression  to  Freedom  shall  bend  ! 
Then  I'll  away  to  impart  the  fire, 
Away,  away,  away,  away ! 


SONS  OF  TOIL. 

Arise !  degraded  sons  of  toil ! 

Too  long  you've  foully  bent  the  knee 
To  impious  drones,  who  claim  the  soil, 

Which  God  for  all  created  free: 
If  brave,  and  to  ourselves  but  true, 
I  ask  you  what  we  cannot  do  ? 


POLITICAL    ECONOMY.  199 

A  bitter  destiny,  alas ! 

Has  ours  been  through  the  course  of  time ; 
A  poor,  despised,  deluded  class, 

In  every  age,  in  every  clime! 
Of  demagogues  and  wealthy  knaves, 
We're  still  the  willing  dupes  and  slaves! 

The  wealth  which  ingrate  tyrants  wield, 

To  crush  and  starve  us,  we  create; 
The  blood  we  shed  on  flood  and  field 

Gives  greatness  to  the  misnamed  great : 
But  short  would  reign  this  favored  few, 

Were  we  but  to  each  other  true. 


"WAIT  A  LITTLE  LONGER/ 

There 's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming : 
We  may  not  live  to  see  the  day, 
But  earth  shall  glisten  in  the  ray 

Of  the  good  time  coming. 
Cannon  balls  may  aid  the  truth, 

But  thought's  a  weapon  stronger; 
We'll  win  our  battles  by  its  aid; — 

Wait  a  Little  longer. 

There 's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming: 
The  pen  shall  supercede  the  sword, 
And  -light,  not  might,  shall  be  the  lord; 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Worth,  not  birth,  shall  rule  mankind, 

And  be  acknowledged  stronger, 
The  proper  impulse  has  been  given; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming : 
War  in  all  men's  eyes  shall  be 
A  monster  of  iniquity, 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Nations  shall  not  quarrel  then, 

To  prove  which  is  the  stronger; 
Nor  slaughter  men  for  glory's  sake  ;— 

Wait  a  little  longer. 


200  WORKING  MAN'S 

There 's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming: 
Hateful  rivalries  of  creed 
Shall  not  make  their  martyrs  bleed. 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
-  \  Religion  shall  be  shorn  of  pride. 

And  flourish  all  the  stronger* 
And  Charity  shall  trim  her  lamp; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

There 's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming: 
And  a  poor  man's  family 
Shall  not  be  his  misery, 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
Every  child  shall  be  a  help, 

To  make  his  right  arm  stronger; 
The  happier  he,  the  more  he  has; — 

Wait  a  litt/e  longer. 

There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming: 
Little  children  shall  not  toil, 
Under,  or  above,  the  soil, 

In  the  good  time  coining: 
But  shall  play  in  healthful  fields. 

Till  limbs  and  minds  grow  stronger; 
And  every  one  shall  read  and  write  ? — 

Wail  a  little  longer. 

There's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming: 
The  people  shall  be  temperate, 
And  shall  love,  instead  of  hate, 

In  the  good  time  coming. 
They  shall  use,  and  not  abuse, 

And  make  all  virtue  stronger. 
The  reformation  has  begun; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 

There 's  a  good  time  coming,  boys, 

A  good  time  coming : 
Let  us  aid  it  all  we  can, 
Every  woman,  every  man, 

The  good  time  coming. 
Smallest  helps,  if  rightly  given, 

Make  the  impulse  stronger; 
'Twill  be  strong  enough  one  day; — 

Wait  a  little  longer. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  201 

TO  WORKING  MEN. 

Arouse,  ye  patient,  laboring  thvcng; 
Your  sacred  rights  may  rest  too  long; 
A  sordid  knave,*  becoming  strong, 
Will  wrest  from  you  your  liberty. 

See  how  he  grasps  your  wide  domain! 
See  him  resist  the  poor  man's  claim ! 
Upon  his  front  there  sits  no  shame ; 
He's  callous  to  all  misery. 

Behold  Rhode  Island's  noble  Son 
Immured  for  what  our  sires  had  done! 
He  would  a  bloodless  victory  won. 
Alas  for  Tyler's  sympathy. 

Awake !  step  forth !  for  rights  contend ' 
Be  firm,  united,  to  this  end! 
To  you  opposing  force  must  bend. 
Despite  its  royal  tyranny. 

At  home,  abroad,  from  East  to  West. 
The  God  of  Mammon  rears  his  crest. 
While  toiling  millions,  all  unblest. 
Neglected,  die  in  poverty 

WThere  cities  stand  in  proud  array ! 
Where  armies  meet  in  dreadful  fray; 
There  poor  'gainst  poor  must  pave  the  way 
To  royal  wealth  or  victory ! 

The  poor  are  slaves  in  every  clime; 
Their  very  poverty  is  crime ! 
While  wealth  is  honored  and  may  shine 
Devoid  of  all  humanity! 

Th'  unrighteous  toil  of  youth  and  age, 
Whose  rights  are  mocked  at  every  stage, 
Will  be  condemned  on  history's  page 

As  wanton  acts  of  cruelty.  J.  D.  F 


THE  PEOPLE'S  RIGHTS. 

Awake,  MAN  !  awake  from  the  slumbers  that  bind  you  • 
The  darkness  is  fleeing  that  long  hath  confin'd  you ; 
*  Money  Power. 


202  WORKING     I.<  A  N  '  8 

The  sun  is  arising  in  splendor  on  high; 
"My  Rights  I  demand!"  be  your  watchword  and  cry. 
The  weapons  of  Truth  you  shall  wield  not  in  vain; 
By  its  power  your  rights  you  shall  quickly  regain. 
Press  on  in  your  course,  till  dark  Error  gives  way, 
Then  light  will  burst  forth  in  meridian  day. 
No  weapon  unshcath  but  the  EIGHTS  of  your  cause; 
They  will  vanquish  your  foe,  and  repeal  unjust  laws; 
They  will  cut  through  their  ranks,  their  menace  rnake  'Void; 
Your  strength  is  in  Truth;  "your  hope  is  in  God." 
Then  lift  up  your  voice  in  a  tone  of  command, 
And  your  right  is  restored — your  Eight  to  the  Land! 

D   R. 


THE  LABORER'S  LAMENT. 

AIR— "Marble  Halls." 

O cruel,  most  cruel,  the  laborer  sigh'd, 

The  fate  of  the  African  slave, 
Who  crouches  in  silence,  his  master  beside, 

From  infancy  down  to  his  grave. 
But  though  he  is  foitsr'd,  and  forced  to  resign 

His  right  to  the  pleasures  of  earth, 
The  state  of  that  captive  is  nobler  than  mine, 

For  Want  never  visits  his  hearth. 

'Tis  not  his  to  suffer  the  torture  of  mind, 

That  pains  me  at  thought  of  my  wife — 
To  see  her,  though  fainting,  still  patient  and  kind — 

Still  facing  the  hardships  of  life. 
For  oft,  when  her  little  ones  ask  her  for  bread, 

She  turns  from  their  presence  to  weep — 
Compell'd  to  refuse  it,  and  send  them  to  bed, 

With  hunger  to  haunt  them  in  sleep. 

Bnt  should  my  poor  children  misfortune  outlive, 

And  enter,  unlettered,  the  world, 
The  sire  of  their  being  they  ne'er  can  forgive, 

But  curses  on  him  will  be  hurl'd; — 
And  when,  in  my  sorrow  and  anguish  of  soul, 

I  brood  o'er  the  evils  I  've  sown, 
The  conflict  of  feeling  is  past  my  control. 

And  reason  abandons  her  throne. 

DREAMEB  . 


POLITICAL     E  C  O  N  O M Y  . 

THE  WORKING  MEN'S  LEAGUE. 
TUNE—"  Old  Dan  Tucker:'' 

Come,  all  you  who  are  fond  of  singing, 
Let  us  set  a  song  a  ringing; 
Sound  the  chorus  strong  and  hearty, 
And  we  '11  make  a  jovial  party. 

Get  out  of  the  way,  you  speculators ; 

You  shall  no  longer  be  dictators. 

Some  love  Rents  and  speculation ; 
Some  with  Banks  would  fill  the  nation; 
In  a  lump  we'll  class  these  critturs, 
And  we  '11  call  them  speculators. 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

He  who  lives  by  labor  only, 
Ne'er  shall  find  his  fireside  lonely; 
But  his  home  a  happy  place  is. 
Blest  with  cheerful,  smiling  faces. 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

Interest  steals  a  man's  good  feelings; 
He 's  a  rogue  in  all  his  dealings ; 
Smirks 'and  smiles,  until  he's  found  you; 
Then,  O,  crackey !  how  he's  bound  you. 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

All  who  wish  for  homes  to  bless  them ; 
All  who  wish  the  girls  to  kiss  them; 
Hark !  while  soberness  is  o'er  us. 
Here 's  a  song,  and  this  the  chorus  : 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

Once  we  used  to  beg  to  labor; 
Then  to  toil  was  thought  a  favor: 
We'll  have  a  home  all  smiling,  sunny, 
Without  price  and  without  money. 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

Time  was,  once,  when  honest  worker. 
Were  put  upon  a  par  with  porkers;* 
But  now  a  new  reform's  beginning; 
Selling  land  is  now  a  sinning. 
Get  out  of  the  way,  &c. 

*  "Swinish  multitude.'' 


203 


WORKING     MAN'S 

Sec  the  Agrarian  Ball  a  rolling; 
Hark !  the  knell  of  Avarice  tolling ! 
Roll  the  ball  to  every  station, 
In  our  own  great  Yankee  nation. 

Push  along,  and  keep  it  moving; 

The  People's  Cause  is  still  improving. 

Satan  saw  his  trade  was  failing; 

Heard  no  more  the  orphans'  wailing; 

Sent  his  imps  about  us  yelling, 

"Don't  stop!  don't  stop!  but  keep  on  selling! 

Get  out  of  the  way,  you  old  Land  Seller; 

You're  a  loafing,  crafty  feller. 

True,  you  once  did  price  demand. 

For  what  was  Nature's  gift,  the  Land; 

Boast  you  may  that  you  have  done  it : 

Reform's  on  foot,'  and  you  can't  come  it. 

Get  out  of  the  way,  though  you  have  done  it 
Reform 's  the  word,  and  you  can't  come  it. 

Monopolists,  now  just  be  a  thinking; 
No  more  at  such  great  wrong  be  winking ; 
Come  on.  and  own  that  you're  mistaken; 
Sign  the  pledge,  and  save  your  bacon. 

Push  it  along,  and  keep  it  moving; 

The  People's  Cause  is  still  improving. 


LAYS  OF  FREEDOM. 

Cheer  up !  ye  strugglers  for  the  right, 

Ye  lovers  of  the  true; 
A  brighter  day  shall  open  yet, 

Through  what  ye  dare  and  do ! 

It  may  not  be  your  lot  to  live, 

That  day  of  joy  to  share ; 
But  still  most  thankful  ye  should  feel, 

The  good  way  to  prepare. 

The  way  for  Truth's  triumphal  march 

O'er  a  succeeding  race, 
Mercy  with  whom  shall  hold  the  sway, 

[n  dork  oppression's  place. 


POLITICAL     ECONOMY.  205 

Yes,  sure  as  ye,  with  faithful  hearts. 

Toil  on  in  duty's  sphere, 
Justice  shall  take  the  place  of  might. 

With  mercy  for  compeer. 

Cheer,  then,  ye  strugglers  for  the  right. 

Ye  lovers  of  the  true ; 
A  brighter  day  shall  open  yet, 

Through  what  ye  dare  and  do ! 


THE  AGRARIAN  GATHERING. 
TUNE — "  Hunters  of  Kentucky." 

Hark !  with  a  firm  and  manly  tread 

The  Agrarians  are  coining  ! 
No  cap  and  balls  upon  the  head; 

No  fiddling  and  no  drumming : 
To  clownish  antics  to  excite 

The  jest  of  each  derider, 
As  if  they'd  sunk  their  manhood  quite 

In  puncheons  of  hard  cider. 

No  banners  deck'd  with  thievish  coons. 

Nor  mottoes  foul  and  scurvy, 
With  decency,  and  common  sense, 

And  truth  turned  topsy-turvy; 
But,  marching  with  unbroken  front, 

All  resolute  and  steady, 
They  come,  as  they  are  ever  wont, 

For  TRUTH'S  stern  battle  ready. 

A  bit  of  tinsel  on  a  rag, 

With  fringe  around  the  border, 
Round  which  to  gather,  shout  and  brag, 

Is  not  the  kind  of  order 
For  Agrarians  to  take,  when  they, 

Like  reasoning  men,  assemble 
But  at  their  calm,  resolved  array 

Their  direst  foes  must  tremble 

They  come!     They  come!  in  phalanx  deep, 

Oppression's  cohorts  braving — 
Unbought,  unterrified,  they  keep 

Their  fsee  bold  banner  waving : 
They  (as  on  Bunker's  heights  were  stirred 

The  stern  sires  that  begat  them.) 
Impatient  wait  the  onset  word 

Agrarians!  up,  and  at  them! 


206       WOK  KING   MAN'S   POLITICAL   ECONOMY, 

FREEDOM'S  LYRE. 

Attune  the  chords  of  freedom's  lyre, 

To  bounding  notes  of  glee: 
And  swell  upon  each  burning  wire, 

The  anthems  of  the  free ! 
Strike !  strike  again  the  notes  of  old, 

That  swept  these  hills  along ! 
Where  freedom's  »cons  her  flag  unrolled 

And  shoute*.  frc^uom's  song! 

Wake !  wake  the  tones  of  victory  now, 

For  freedom's  hearts  beat  high ! 
And  triumph  sits  on  manhood's  brow, 

And  speaks  from  woman's  eye. 
The  sun  that  rose  in  cloud  and  gloom. 

Now  beams  ir  radiance  bright; 
And  in  meridian  splendor  soon 

Shall  blaze  with  freedom's  light. 

When  slavery's  night  shall  pass  away, 

And  wide  o'er  land  and  sea 
Again  on  every  breeze  shall  play 

The  banner  of  the  free ! 
Then  tune  the  lyre — let  music  sweep 

Our  hills  and  vales  along! 
While  ocean's  waves  in  gladness  leap, 

And  dance-to  freedom's  song! 


THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Great  were  the  hearts,  and  strong  the  minds. 

Of  those  who  framed.;  in  high,  debate, 
The  immortal  league  of  love  that  binds 

Our  fair  broad  Empire,  State  with  State 

And  deep  the  gladness  of  the  hour, 

When,  as  the  auspicious  task  was  done. 

In  solemn  trust,  the  sword  of  power 
Was  given  to  glory's  unspoiled  son. 

That  noble  race  is  gone — the  suns 

Of  fifty  years  have  ric<en  and  set; 

But  the  bright  links,  those-chosen  ones 

So  strongly  forged,  are  brighter  yet. 

Wide — as  our  own  free  jace  increase — 
Wide  shall  extend  the  elastic  chain, 

And  bind  in  everlasting  peace, 
State  after  State,  a  mighty  train. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
BERKELEY 

Return  to  desk  from  which  borrowed. 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


l2Mar49HJ 


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REC'D  CO 

JAN  14  195 


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MAY   31987 


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r  ITERI  BRARY  UOAN 


|tOV27l981 

LD  21-100m-9,'48(B399sl6)476 


YB    19129 


M508373 


•  «4P«.J. 

GENERAL  LIBRARY  -  U.C.  BERKELEY 


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